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  1. #1
    hussita
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    Predefinito Discorso di Carlo Azeglio Ciampi al Collegio d'Europa di Bruges

    Distinguished Rector,
    Distinguished President of the Administrative Council,
    Distinguished Professors,
    Ladies and Gentlemen,
    Dear Students,

    I am delighted to be with you today in this Institution, here at
    the prestigious heart of Europe’s university culture, which is playingsuch an important part in promoting and disseminating the European ideal.
    The College of Europe draws together young people from all
    over Europe who have embarked upon a common educational
    pathway inspired by shared values and the awareness that their
    destinies are irrevocably interwoven.
    Speaking of Europe in Bruges and in Belgium bring to mind the
    very close bonds that exist between our two countries, and the
    particular responsibilities falling to the founding States of the Unionto embody a lofty ideal, offering an alternative to national and sectoral self-int ere s t .
    European unity is an authentic vocation of Italy’s political
    system, her. industrialists and cultural leaders, and of her public
    opinion which is instinctively even more staunchly European still.
    Italy, like Belgium, was one of the first countries to look beyond
    her immediate interests; she realised above all that Europe was the best means of strengthening the values of freedom and democracy in a decisive area for the destiny of the world.
    Continuity and the cosmopolitan tradition of Italy’s culture,
    galvanised by the contrast with her dramatic direct experience of
    extreme nationalism leading to totalitarianism, have enabled the
    Italian Republic to pursue two objectives from the time it was
    founded:to establish peace in Europe through unity overcoming
    fratricidal rivalries;to remove the blandishments of nationalism, to ensure that theywill never again be able to disrupt the life of a community, a nation or a free union of peoples.

    I recall the decisive part played by Alcide De Gasperi who
    sensed the revolutionary scope of the European project. Until the end of his life he believed in the common heritage of spiritual values shared by the peoples of Europe.
    He once said: we must either resume the long path of endless
    claims and conflicts based on an absolute ethical concept of
    nationhood, or we move on towards coordinating our efforts to
    expand on a loftier plane and create a broader and more fraternal
    solida rity .
    Gaetano Martino, a native of a region on Europe's southernmost
    border, Sicily, which has given so much to European civilisation
    across the ages, relaunched the integration process through the
    Conference of Messina and the Treaties of Rome, following the
    failure of the European Defence Community.
    Italy's and the Italian people's Europeanism can also be ascribed
    to all those who have done so much to nurture it to maturity and
    disseminate it.
    AS early as the 1930s, Altiero Spinelli had already had the
    foresight to understand that there was no alternative to the creation of a European Federation, to which the nation States would have to surrender part of their sovereignty.
    Italy's governments have made essential contributions to
    advancing the process of European integration.
    Whenever the unification project has seemed to falter, Italy has
    identified and sided with the most dynamic and constructive forces, jointly choosing with them the right path to follow.
    Of the many examples I could mention is the completion of the
    internal market, one of the key objectives in the construction of
    Europe, that was decided at the Milan European Council in June
    1985: the Single European Act, which entered into force two years
    later, was a historic milestone in the development of Europe.
    It is in this spirit that I should like to extend my warmest wishes
    to the Deputy President of the Convention on the Future of Europe, Jean Luc Dehaene, and for the success of the crucial mission that lies
    ahead of the Convention.

    The Convention is addressing the issue of the institutional delay
    in building the European Union; it is strengthening the conviction
    that it is from within the Union that the national'interests of each
    country are best served; and is preparing the Union for enlargement and for the new decision-making procedures of our common institutions.
    A long-awaited moment is drawing near.
    The Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam had given us a
    foretaste of it: overcoming the traditional concept of the role of the State; and giving shape, substance and power to the Europe'an ideal.
    This is the historic task of the Convention today, and of the
    Intergovernmental Conference tomorrow, building further on what
    they have already accomplished.
    -Their mission cannot possibly be limited merely to rationalising
    texts, or institutional engineering.
    On the contrary: they provide an opportunity to demonstrate that
    there is no stand-off between Europe and the nation states, and that the time has come for ambitious visions and not for compromises that
    scale down our goals; unambiguous and innovative decisions are now needed, for the institutions and for European governance.
    Strengthening the Community method, incorporating the Charter
    of Fundamental Rights into the new basic Treaty of the Union,
    spelling out the respective powers of the Union and the Member
    States, and coordinated economic governance that brings out the full potential of the single currency, are leading us in the right direction: to profitably reconcile European integration with the preservation of national diversity.
    The state of the world demands a strong European identity
    reaching out to the world.

    The dramatic international situation requires the European states
    to take a decisive step forward: to accept increasingly more supra-national aspects of the Union, viewed - as was the case with the euro- as a “pooling” of national sovereignties.
    The call to Europe to speak out with a single voice must rapidly
    become a reality: otherwise Europe will become irrelevant.
    Every individual European State is too small to have any
    influence or visibility, primarily in New York, but also in
    Washington, Peking, Moscow or Cairo: global issues, from
    sustainable development to combating poverty can only be
    effectively and authoritatively addressed by a party with broad,
    democratically mature public backing, and by a party enjoying
    credibility in terms of its institutional architecture.
    The set of rights and duties that will be enshrined in the
    European Constitution will fully express the nature of Union
    membership.
    It will highlight even more clearly in the eyes of European
    public opinion, the identity and the visibility of Europe; economic
    and political unity will co-exist with the cultural diversities of
    individual nation states.
    People will understand that in order to have a Europe that counts
    in such areas as foreign and security policy and the economy, the
    first requirement is that we should be driven by ideals, animated by the will to look beyond the narrow confines of domestic politics,
    place our trust in constitutional law as the mortar holding the Union together.
    The requirement that every decision requires the unanimous
    support of all the Member States must become-a distant memory.
    I appeal above all to the younger generation to maintain and
    enhance their bonds with the extraordinary legacy of civilisation that the peoples of Europe have built up.

    Across the ages, Italy has made a fundamental contribution to
    that legacy and heritage: the rule of law; the legacy of the Latin
    world; the unified course of human history, the good governance of the mediaeval republics, Humanism, outreach to other cultures
    dialogue and respect for minorities.
    Roots underpin and nourish.
    Without memory we are automatons; taking pride in our ages-
    old legacy and constantly re-visiting our commonly shared values
    support us as we make Europe the centre-piece of our concerns.
    With the imminent conclusion of accession negotiations, the
    adoption of the European Constitution and the acquisition of a legal personality for the Union, its role in its dealings with the MemberStates and Europe's citizens is clearly taking shape around three key points:
    - efficient institutions;
    - transparent legal rules and procedures;
    - loyalty to the Union, complementing not replacing, loyalty to our
    nation states.
    Eqen at the Convention we could never have managed to bring
    different cultures and political concepts so closely together, were it not for the fact that most Europeans harbour a strong sense of
    idelaism.

    It is essential for the Convention to move forward with the same
    vision and spirit of collaboration with which it has worked so far,
    and not hesitate when insidious decisions have to be taken.
    One path will lead to a new political model and the creation of a
    European citizenship in the full sense of the term. The other path will lead backwards, to a wider free trade area: a scheme that was rejected -as long ago as 1970, when the EEC option won the day.
    The risk of deadlock can be avoided by striking a balance
    between the Parliament, the Council, and the Commission, without paralysing any one of them.
    These three institutions already constitute the driving force of
    the Union.
    No one of them must be strengthened at the expense of any
    other.

    The radical turning point represented by the Convention and the
    forthcoming Intergovernmental Conference also highlight the
    potential of the Union to meet its citizens' demands. The many
    questions that jostle for space in the hopes and fears of European public opinion must be borne in mind. Let me mention just some of these:
    When individual countries are no longer able to perform the
    tasks that are essential to the well-being of the community, in terms of safeguarding the environment, food safety, or combating crime - who should take them on?
    When globalisation takes the form of a glorification of
    unfettered competition and innovation, who should step in to protect the European way of life that we all share?
    When the fundamental values of our civilisation begin to loose
    their lustre, weakened and distorted by consumerism, who has the necessary strength to be able to return them to their central position in the lives of individuals and communities?
    What can we tell the millions of young people who are pinning
    their hopes not merely on material wellbeing but believe in the
    driving force of ideas and hence in a better world, which is no longer driven by poverty, disease and discrimination?
    How can we convince the citizens of Europe that the European
    Union is a guarantee of good governance?
    How can we define the borders of the European Union so that
    they are co-extensive with Europe's corpus of principles, ethical and religious values, and historical traditions?
    These and other similar questions are being asked in many
    quarters: only a stronger, innovative Union can address them, and properly respond to them.
    -
    Those acting in the name of Europe are responsible for ensuring
    that in its external relations, the Union speaks with a single,
    authoritative voice. It will only enjoy the full confidence of the
    peoples of Europe if it is able to give shape, clarity and credibility to a collective European interest that today is often fragmented and confused.

    The powers of the Council, the Commission and the European
    Parliament, and those of the Union and the Member States must be distributed in a way that enhances the role of each institution, clearly defining the tasks of each, and ensuring that thef then effectively acquit themselves of these tasks, vested with all the powers and authority they require.
    It is for this reason that I would define the Europe that is taking
    shape as a Federation of Nation States.
    This formula is based on the principle of equality between
    States; it creates a twofold loyalty, and creates a single political
    model in the international community. It stands for the creation of an entity endowed with its own powers combining supra-national
    elements and intergovernmental cooperation.
    It is not a flight of fancy.
    The European Union is much more than a mere alliance or
    international organisation. It has its Parliament, its currency, its
    Central Bank, its Court of Justice, its flag, and its anthem.
    Once it has been endowed with a legal personality and is
    recognised as a subject of international law, the Union it will at last be guaranteed perpetual succession, stability and authority.
    But let me return to my own country: in the decades following
    the Second World War, Italy had a succession of governments,
    leaders, and generations. But Italy has always remained in the
    vanguard of the countries which have believed in integration as a
    crucial factor of stability, prosperity and progress, in economic,
    political and ethical terms.
    Our presence in this vanguard group is the embodiment of the
    Italy's way of being in Europe.
    Italy has consistently supported granting preferential relations
    with the countries on the southern shores of the Mediterranean, and
    in Africa and Latin America. From the outset, Italy understood the
    benefits that enlargement would bring for democracy and freedom in Europe, and she is now working directly to consolidate the European vocation of the countries of the former Yugoslavia.
    This single-minded approach, tenacity and ambition to drive the
    process of European integration forward, and her capacity to look
    beyond the horizon, is a service that Italy has rendered to the whole
    If the Conference manages to complete its work by December
    2003 - as we hope it will, for the total success of the European
    project - the fact that it coincides with the Italian Presidency will set a significant seal on the new Treaty.

    •   Alt 

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  2. #2
    hussita
    Ospite

    Predefinito

    «L’Europa parli con una sola voce per contare»

    Ciampi: l’Italia sia avanguardia, è tempo di scelte ambiziose e non di compromessi riduttivi


    DAL NOSTRO INVIATO
    BRUGES - Ciampi insiste sulla «nuova Europa» che nascerà con la Convenzione. E lo fa con forza durante la sua visita di Stato in Belgio. Il giorno prima, davanti a re Alberto II, aveva detto che era necessaria «una stretta coesione» fra gli Stati che fanno parte dell'Unione per combattere il terrorismo internazionale. Ora, davanti agli studenti del prestigioso Collegio d'Europa, lancia un nuovo appello perché «parli con una sola voce». Un appello che «deve tradursi rapidamente in realtà». Perché «l'alternativa sarebbe l'irrilevanza» sullo scenario internazionale. Non solo, il Capo dello Stato avverte che «chi agirà in nome dell'Europa avrà la responsabilità d'assicurare unitarietà e autorevolezza alla rappresentanza esterna dell'Unione». Aggiungendo che si tratterà di un compito da svolgere con «pienezza dei poteri».
    PIENEZZA DI POTERI - In altre parole il Presidente auspica che dalla riforma in atto emerga un'Europa che sia federazione di Stati-Nazione e abbia un governo con maggiori prerogative. Quindi più incisivo. Tanto che quando parla di «pienezza dei poteri» fa pensare alla possibile elezione diretta di un «interlocutore unico» che dovrebbe rappresentare il suo esecutivo. Insomma, idee e sensibilità molto lontane da quella espressa da Umberto Bossi, da sempre contrario ad un eccessivo potere di Bruxelles sui singoli Stati.
    «AVANGUARDIA» - Ciampi non fa riferimenti alle vicende interne. Ma spiega bene come il forte pensiero europeista che esprime davanti agli studenti di Bruges si inserisca pienamente nella tradizione dell'Italia repubblicana, dall'ultimo dopoguerra fino ad oggi. Ricorda che il nostro Paese, «come il Belgio, ha saputo, fra i primi, guardare oltre l'orizzonte degli interessi immediati», cita Alcide De Gasperi e ripercorre tutto l'itinerario che ha portato a rafforzare l'Unione europea con l'Italia tra i maggiori protagonisti: «Nei decenni seguiti al secondo conflitto mondiale si sono succeduti governi, protagonisti, generazioni. Però l'Italia è sempre rimasta nel gruppo di avanguardia degli Stati che hanno creduto nell'integrazione come elemento cruciale di stabilità, di benessere e di avanzamento economico, politico, etico. La presenza in questa avanguardia esprime il modo di essere dell'Italia in Europa». Come dire: bisogna continuare su questa linea, guai ad esprimere idee più disincantate o addirittura scettiche sul futuro dell'Unione.
    «BIVIO INSIDIOSO» - Ma il Presidente vede un pericolo all'orizzonte guardando proprio ai lavori della Convenzione per la nuova Costituzione europea: «Siamo di fronte ad un bivio insidioso tra la definizione di una vera e propria cittadinanza europea e la sensazione di arretrare verso una grande area di libero scambio, verso quell'orizzonte che nel 1970 fu accantonato con la scelta della Cee». Insomma, bisogna andare avanti: «E' tempo di visioni ambiziose e non di compromessi riduttivi, di scelte chiare e innovative, sia sul piano istituzionale, sia di governo europeo».
    I TEMPI - In particolare «l'insidia dello stallo può essere evitata realizzando l'equilibrio non paralizzante ma operativo tra Parlamento, Consiglio e Commissione». Di conseguenza, «per acquisire peso e visibilità a Washington come a Pechino» occorre «un solo interlocutore sorretto da un consenso pubblico ampio e democraticamente maturato, da un interlocutore credibile nel suo assetto istituzionale». E alla fine si augura che i lavori della Convenzione si concludano entro il dicembre 2003: «La coincidenza con il semestre italiano darà al nuovo trattato un significativo suggello».
    IL MESSAGGIO - Sempre di Europa, quella dei diritti umani che sono «parte integrante della sua identità», si parla infine in un messaggio che il Presidente invia da Bruges alla Comunità di Sant'Egidio che proprio ieri, nel giorno che ricorda la deportazione degli ebrei dal Ghetto di Roma, ha promosso un convegno sull'antisemitismo nel nostro continente.
    Oggi si concluderà la visita di Ciampi in Belgio. Tra le tappe più significative della giornata ci sarà l'omaggio a Marcinelle a Le Bois du Cazier, la miniera dove nel 1956 persero la vita 262 uomini, tra cui 136 immigrati italiani.

 

 

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