Incredibile atto di guerra israeliano!

[antoninus]

Ti sbagli cara. Questi sono riduzionismi psicologici buoni per il "minuto d'odio" orwelliano. Adolf Hitler fu uomo complesso, politico di razza e figura storica interessantissima. Come tutti fece i suoi errori, alcuni particolarmente gravi, ma la demonizzazione assoluta di cui è stato fatto oggetto nella storiografia ufficiale e nella cultura di massa è un banalissimo caso di "pulizia storica" operata dai vincitori di una guerra mondiale.

Infatti, Eisenhower ha iniziato il processo di "pulizia storica":

Statement by Paul Wolfowitz, U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense, Commemorating the 60th Anniversary of the Liberation of Nazi Death Camps, in the Special Session of the General Assembly, January 24, 2005
Thank you, Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, distinguished delegates, distinguished guests.

Thank you, Mr. President for convening this 28th Special Session and thank you to the member states that supported the request for commemoration of the 60th anniversary of the liberation of the Nazi death camps.

Thank you Mr. Secretary-General for your eloquent statement today and for your encouragement of this initiative.

Thank you, Sir Brian Urquhart for your service in the war and your witness here today.

And our special gratitude goes to Elie Wiesel, not only for his inspiring words today, but for all he has taught us with his life. Elie Wiesel has taught us that “in extreme situations when human lives and dignity are at stake, neutrality is a sin. It helps the killers,” he says, “not the victims.”

Elie Wiesel teaches us that we must speak about unspeakable deeds, so that they will be neither forgotten nor repeated. Most of all, he offers personal witness to all humanity that in the face of the most horrific oppression, there is always hope that the goodness of the human spirit will prevail.

That is the larger meaning of why we gather here today. We’re here to reflect on the magnitude of the occasion how totalitarian evil claimed millions of precious lives. But just as important, the member nations attending today are affirming their rejection of such evil and making a statement of hope for a more civilized future, a hope that “never again” will the world look the other way in the face of such evil.

For if there is one thing the world has learned, it is that peaceful nations cannot close their eyes or sit idly by in the face of genocide. It took a war, the most terrible war in history, to end the horrors that we remember today. It was a war that Winston Churchill called “The Unnecessary War” because he believed that a firm and concerted policy by the peaceful nations of the world could have stopped Hitler early on. But it was a war that became necessary to save the world from what he correctly called “the abyss of a new dark age, made more sinister … by the lights of a perverted science.”

This truth we also know that war, even a just and noble war, is horrible for everyone it touches. War is not something Americans seek, nor something we will ever grow to like. Throughout our history, we have waged it reluctantly, but we have pursued it as a duty when it was necessary.

Our own Civil War was one of the bloodiest the world had known up to its time. And it too was fought to end a great evil. As that war was nearing its bloody close, President Abraham Lincoln spoke to the nation hoping that the war would end soon, but saying that it would continue if necessary “until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword.”

Two months after the Battle of Antietam, where the number of American dead was four times the number that fell on the beaches of Normandy, President Lincoln told members of the U.S. Congress that those who “hold the power, and bear the responsibility” could not escape the burden of history, “We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope of earth.”

Americans have fought often to liberate others from slavery and tyranny in order to protect our own freedom. Cemeteries from France to North Africa, with their rows of Christian crosses and Stars of David, attest to that truth.

When Americans have taken up arms, it was believing that, in the end, it is never just about us alone, knowing that woven into our liberty is a mantle of responsibility, knowing that the whole world benefits when people are free to realize their dreams and develop their talents.

Today, we remember the people who fell victim to tyranny because of their political views, their heritage or their religion, in places where human slaughter was perfected as an efficient and systematic industry of state. We can only imagine how different our lives would be had those millions of lost souls had the chance to live out their dreams.

Today, we also pay tribute to all the soldiers of many Allied nations who participated in the liberation of the Nazi death camps, for their courage and sacrifice and for the care they provided to the survivors.

We are proud of the role of our own American soldiers, the so-called “young old men” of 19 and 20 years of age, who fought through their own horrors at Anzio and Normandy and Bastogne and who thought that a world of evil no longer held surprises for them, but who were astonished to the deepest part of their souls when they confronted the human ruins of Nazi tyranny in the spring of 1945.

Just one week before the end of the war in Europe, the U.S. Seventh Army would reach Dachau. Lt. Colonel Walther Fellenz described what he saw as the 42nd Infantry Division neared the main gate of that concentration camp, it was “a mass of cheering, half-mad men, women and children … their liberators had come! The noise was beyond comprehension,” he said. And “our hearts wept as we saw the tears of happiness fall from their cheeks.”

Sensing the approach of victory, General Dwight Eisenhower, the Supreme Commander, was unprepared for what greeted him at the camp at Ohrdruf as he walked past thousands of corpses in shallow graves and saw the instruments of torture used by the SS, he was moved to anger and to action.

He cabled Army Chief of Staff George Marshall words which are now engraved at the entrance of the U.S. Holocaust Museum in Washington, D.C.: “The things I saw,” Eisenhower wrote, “beggar description … the visual evidence and the verbal testimony of starvation, cruelty and bestiality were so overpowering.” He insisted on looking into one particular room that contained piles of skeletal, naked men, killed through starvation. “I made the visit deliberately,” he said, “in order to be in a position to give first-hand evidence of these things if ever, in the future, there develops a tendency to charge these allegations to ‘propaganda.’”

Eisenhower wanted others to see this crime against humanity. So, he urged American Congressmen and journalists to go to the camps. He directed that a film record the reality and that it be shown widely to German citizens. And he ordered that as many GIs as possible see the camps. American soldiers became what one writer called “reluctant archeologists of man’s most inhuman possibilities.”

Jack Hallet was one of the soldiers who liberated Dachau found that it was difficult to separate the living from the dead. As he looked closer at a stack of corpses, he noticed that deep within the pile, he could see sets of eyes still blinking.

Dan Evers was in the 286th Combat Engineer Battalion at Dachau: “The gas chamber door was closed,” he recalled, “but the ovens were still open. There was a sign in German overhead which said: ‘Wash your hands after work.’”

Another soldier wrote to his parents, asking them to keep his letter, because “it is my personal memorandum of something I personally want to remember but would like to forget.”

From Ebensee, Captain Timothy Brennan of the Third Cavalry wrote to his wife and child: “You cannot imagine that such things exist in a civilized world.”

From Mauthausen in Austria, Sergeant Fred Friendly wrote to his mother: “I want you to never forget or let our disbelieving friends forget, that your flesh and blood saw this…Your son saw this with his own eyes and in doing so aged 10 years.”

Beyond the shock and horror, American and Russian and other Allied soldiers who liberated the camps were also witnesses to hope. Tomorrow, you will have the opportunity to hear an American GI tell one such story. Tomorrow Lt. John Withers, of the all African-American Quartermaster Truck Company 3512, will speak about how he and his soldiers changed the lives of two young boys forever who were rescued from Dachau.

Yet, as proud as we are of the role our soldiers played in the liberation of the concentration camps, we know that we all arrived too late for most of the victims.

Just last week, a great Polish patriot passed away. During World War II, Jan Nowak, who was not Jewish, risked his life to leave Poland to bring news of the Nazi genocide to the West. I was privileged to meet Jan Nowak in his Warsaw apartment just three months ago. He recalled that after the war when he was able to see the records of his secret meetings with Western officials, there was no mention of what he had told them about Poland’s Jews. Nowak put it down to “wartime inconvenience.” He was telling truths that people wanted not to know.

And, despite our fervent promises never to forget, we know that there have been far too many occasions in the six decades since the liberation of the concentration camps, when the world ignored inconvenient truths so that it would not have to act, or acted too late.

We have agreed today to set aside contemporary political issues, in order to reflect on those events of sixty years ago in a spirit of unanimity. But let us do so with a unanimous resolve to give real meaning to those words “never forget.” And with a resolve that even when we may find it too difficult to act, we at least have an obligation at least to face the truth.

Last Thursday, as he began his second term in office, President George Bush expressed his belief that our nation’s interests cannot be separated from the aspirations of others to be free from tyranny and oppression. “America’s vital interests,” he said, “and our deepest beliefs are now one. From the day of our Founding, we have proclaimed that every man and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value, because they bear the image of the Maker of Heaven and earth. Across the generations we have proclaimed the imperative of self-government, because no one is fit to be a master, and no one deserves to be a slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our Nation. It is the honorable achievement of our fathers. Now it is the urgent requirement of our nation’s security, and the calling of our time.”

Americans remain committed to working with all nations of good will to alleviate the suffering of our time. And we remain hopeful that when generations to come look back on this time they will see that we in it were dedicated to fulfilling the pledge that arose from the ashes of man’s inhumanity toward man never again.

Never again and never forget. We must keep remembering to continue to speak about unspeakable things. So we commend the United Nations for a remembrance of the Holocaust befitting its significance in human history. In doing so, perhaps we can help avoid such inhumanity and the warfare that is so often the result.

Thank you very much.

# # #

[IIrina]

Ti sbagli cara. Questi sono riduzionismi psicologici buoni per il "minuto d'odio" orwelliano. Adolf Hitler fu uomo complesso, politico di razza e figura storica interessantissima. Come tutti fece i suoi errori, alcuni particolarmente gravi, ma la demonizzazione assoluta di cui è stato fatto oggetto nella storiografia ufficiale e nella cultura di massa è un banalissimo caso di "pulizia storica" operata dai vincitori di una guerra mondiale.

Ma che caspita! Il porco si stuprava sua cugina minorenne!

[antoninus]

Ma che caspita! Il porco si stuprava sua cugina minorenne!

Si amavano. Hitler era distrutto quando mori`.

[IIrina]

Si amavano. Hitler era distrutto quando mori`.

Immagino come era distrutto....oltre a stuprare il suo unico pensiero era fare il peggior male possibile agli ebrei. Renditi conto dell'orrore più atroce perpetrato volotariamente nella storia dell'umanita! Ti ricordo gli atroci esperimenti sui bimbi ebrei che dovevano subire gli aghi da 8 diametri negli occhi e morivano tra atroci sofferenze. Vivisezionati come rane ma senza anestesia per vedere come certi farmaci agivano sugli organi dei bambini. Se gli andava bene non fininvano nel corridoio degli esperimenti ma venivano gassificati. Almeno soffrivano di meno.....6 milioni tra adulti e bambini morti tra atroci sofferenze!

[antoninus]

Immagino come era distrutto....oltre a stuprare il suo unico pensiero era fare il peggior male possibile agli ebrei. Renditi conto dell'orrore più atroce perpetrato volotariamente nella storia dell'umanita! Ti ricordo gli atroci esperimenti sui bimbi ebrei che dovevano subire gli aghi da 8 diametri negli occhi e morivano tra atroci sofferenze. Vivisezionati come rane ma senza anestesia per vedere come certi farmaci agivano sugli organi dei bambini. Se gli andava bene non fininvano nel corridoio degli esperimenti ma venivano gassificati. Almeno soffrivano di meno.....6 milioni tra adulti e bambini morti tra atroci sofferenze!

Adesso dico una cosa controversa:

E` ancora da dimostrare che Hitler sapeva degli esperimenti su bimbi.
E` stata opera da Mengele.

The Trial of German Major War Criminals
Two Hundred and Eleventh Day: Monday, 26th August, 1946
(Part 9 of 12)



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[Page 119]

But this was not in accordance with the order issued in a circular of 28th December, 1942, by the WVHA, according to which the doctors of the camps were to take all measures to ensure lower death rates and to maintain working capacity as high as possible, by the control of food and working conditions and by suggesting practical ameliorations which should not remain merely theoretical. Neither was this in accordance with the fact testified to by witnesses over and over again, that foreign and German commissions inspecting the camps and even SS
[Page 120]

Fuehrers themselves gained a very good impression of the administration and the prisoners.
I have been and am still of the opinion that for me as lawyer and defence counsel the fact could not be sufficient that the tremendous number of victims was not to be disputed and that the whole world said that they had been murdered and ill-treated by the SS system. In this decisive. question which is produced by the mass effect of a mutually conditioned formation of opinions, in other words, a typical case of mass suggestion of public opinion, there can be no "legally notorious facts," there can be only clear facts which must be established without prejudice and bias. This is important for the following questions: Who were the authors of each of these crimes which became the enormous number of anonymous concentration camp atrocities? Did they do it on their personal initiative or on order? Do they belong to a typical criminal group, and if so, to which one, in order to discover a collective guilt? In what relationship are they to the organization of the SS, that is, to the tens and hundreds of thousands of members who had not been active in the concentration camps and who insist that they knew nothing of these crimes?

THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will recess.

(A short recess was taken.)

THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Pelckmann, you have now been speaking for two hours and twenty-eight minutes, so that, strictly speaking, you have got twenty-two minutes more.

DR. PELCKMANN: I had just put the questions which seemed important me for the clarification of the connection between the SS and the crimes committed in concentration camps. I hoped that these questions, the elucidation of which might contribute to the quicker sentencing of all the criminals, would have been answered by the Allied Courts which had been sitting in concentration camp trials since last year.

That is the reason why, your Honours, I made an application to place at my disposal the records of all these trials for consideration. From them I might have discovered many facts which have come to my and the public's knowledge only during these last weeks.

I have nevertheless left nothing undone to discover the truth. My application, aiming at placing at my disposal the concentration camps' administrative files of the WVHA, was handed in at a rather late date and I did not follow it up. I did not need to follow it up because I succeeded at last at the beginning of July in finding a witness whose testimony is, I believe, decisive in many respects for the discovery of the truth, that is for the historical and, in this trial, relevant truth. This witness is Dr. Morgen.

We are indebted to this witness for the discovery of three primary facts. First, the last and profoundest reason for the killings in the concentration camps was the outlawry of the detainees, the omnipotence of the police (Gestapo) and the weakness of justice.

Secondly, the ordering of and execution of mass exterminations of Jews in special so-called extermination camps were ordered by Hitler directly. Knowledge and execution of these orders were confined to a few initiated.

Thirdly, an absolute sphere of secrecy together with a diabolic means of deception was destined to keep knowledge of the happenings in the concentration and extermination camps from the public and the prosecuting authorities.

I shall never forget my first meeting with this witness, Dr. Morgen. The entire being and soul of this gigantic man, leaning over in his chair, seemed eager to communicate what he had known for about two years, what he had viewed and experienced for months while living with detainees and personnel in these places of horror.

[Page 121]

I leave out the next few sentences.
With flagging hope Dr. Morgen made his report for the third time, with which, as before, he wanted to help find the guilty, protect the innocent, and to show the German people and the world the final guilt of the criminal leadership for the most horrible murders in world history. In this he succeeded.

I leave out the next paragraph in which I describe the beginning of the concentration camp system and the participation of the SS.

But soon the establishment and guarding of concentration camps were legalized. From 1933, 1934, on, they were financed from the budget of the individual German States leader. As head of the Political Police of all Lander, except Prussia, Himmler, in 1934, uniformly regulated the guard and administrative conditions. By taking over a part of the previous guard personnel, SA and SS men, he created the Death's Head formations and supplemented them with volunteers from all sections of the population without consideration of membership in the Party and the SS. They were then intended exclusively for guarding concentration camps and comprised, in the year 1936, 400 men from the Kommandantur and 3,600 men for guard duties. They guarded about 10,000 to 12,000 prisoners in five concentration camps all over Germany. I ask you to compare the then unusually large membership of the General SS with these figures.

In 1936 the concentration camps and their guard personnel were taken over into the Reich budget and separated according to Kommandantur and guard personnel. At the beginning of the war the Kommandantur personnel consisted of 600 men; the guard personnel amounted to about 7,400 men. There were only six concentration camps in all Germany, containing 21,300 prisoners, and as yet no work or subsidiary camps existed. At that time there were about 240,000 members of the General SS. The Waffen SS did not yet exist at that time.

In my explanation of the question of the organizations which I submit as an appendix, I have proven that the "Totenkopf Units" (Death's Head Units) created in 1934 as special troops of the State, were not paid by the Party but by the Reich, and that they had in common with the General SS only a part of their name, "SS," and the chief, Himmler. (This follows in particular from Hitler's Secret Edict of 17th August, 1938, and from Document SS 84.)

Of importance seems to me the following change after the beginning of the war, when the wave of destruction begins to mount slowly in the concentration camps.

Six thousand five hundred men of guard personnel were sent to the front with a newly formed division. Thus they were eliminated entirely from the concentration camp system. During the course of the entire war there were employed about 30,000 men in the concentration camp system, as can be seen from the testimony of Brill and from Affidavit No. 68 (Kaindl). These included new arrivals and departures. They comprised about 1,500 men of the original cadre of the Totenkopf Units and 4,500 men originally from the General SS.

These 4,500 men were a part of 36,000 members of the General SS who had been called up until 1940 upon the emergency service decree, and who had become members of the Waffen SS. The remaining 24,000 men of the concentration camp personnel - that is, eighty per cent - originally had no nominal connection with the SS. These were 7,000 persons of German descent or extraction who had been called up, 10,000 German nationals who had volunteered to go to the front in the Waffen SS and 7,000 soldiers subordinate either to the Army or the Air Force. Many of the volunteers came from the SA, the Reichskriegerbund, the Party and other organizations. All, with the exception of the original personnel of 1,500 men, had been assigned the task of guarding the concentration camps against their will upon the order of Himmler, and without their having any connection with the Kommando Amt of the Waffen SS. Only in the course of the war were these guarding and administrative units of Himmler's nominally taken over into the Waffen-SS, Himmler thus transgressing his powers. This

[Page 122]

was done in order to prevent the personnel of the concentration camps continually having to be freed from military service, that is to say, for reasons which were practically to eliminate the regulations of military supervision. After the unequivocal evidence given by the witnesses Reinecke, Juettner, Ruoff, Brill and many others, there can be no more doubt that the State police tasks of the concentration camp system did not change for all that, and that in particular the concentration camp system did not become a concern of the Waffen SS. Indeed, the entire concentration camp system, even after the formal transfer of the guard personnel into the Waffen SS, was not directed and administered by the leading agencies of these organizations, but by a special office, the well-known Amtsgruppe D in the chief office of the Economic Administration, WVHA (witness Stein, Affidavits Fanslau SS 41, 100, Frank No. 99).
I beg you to take official notice of the following three pages, which deal in detail with the limited activity of the Amtsgruppe D.

Also, the actual statements made by Morgen about the extermination camps and particularly the extermination camps of Wirth and Hoess. I continue on Page 66.

All these extermination installations can be traced back to special orders of Hitler, of the Chancellery of the Fuehrer, and were outside the framework of the normal concentration camp system. For that reason, they did not have the normal chain of command and organizational form. Wirth was Criminal Commissar without being an SS member. Hoess received extermination orders, apart from Himmler, only from Eichmann personally, without being allowed to inform his immediate superior, Gluecke, the inspector of concentration camps, of them. So Hoess testified on 15th April.

Now what follows from all these terrible events - from concentration camp atrocities through the Einsatzgruppen to mass gassings - as to the charge against the SS?

The prosecution says that all the crimes charged have been committed to such a great extent and in such vast proportions that they and the criminal aims and methods must have been known to every member.

The prosecution thus says that knowledge of the criminal nature of these tasks is a preliminary condition for the judgment, and the decision of the Court of 13th March, 1946, is in agreement.

The assertion of the prosecution is based upon the following arguments:

Before, and particularly during the war, the Press and the wireless, statements of official personalities and all manner of publications in the Allied countries widely informed the public of these States about the atrocities committed in the concentration camps and other crimes. Under these circumstances, it would seem obvious to conclude that if in these countries such crimes were almost universally known, this must have been even more the case in Germany and particularly in the SS. The collective affidavits which have been submitted and which are in some cases extensively proven show that the majority of SS members deny any such knowledge. But in addition the defence has countered the charge with a comprehensive statement: The crimes committed within the limits of the German sphere of power were carried out under a minutely planned system of secrecy so that the mass of SS members not only did not know anything about them, but, indeed could not possibly have known about them. Whereas the charge of the prosecution can only be made credible by the legally very doubtful use of deductions, the argument of the defence is proven by the facts, and facts which, gentlemen of the Tribunal, have, in my opinion, been furnished by the defence.

Let us start with the concentration camps. I describe on the next few pages, which I ask the Tribunal to read, the matter of secrecy and all the regulations and circumstances which made it impossible for any of this information to get out of the camps.

[Page 123]

I continue on Page 68.
The greatest secrecy prevailed in these camps. Not only the official execution of death sentences of courts, but also the execution instructions of the RSHA, which began only at the beginning of the war, and certainly the murders resulting from the lust for power of the Kommandants, were not undertaken publicly. Dr. Morgen describes this in detail in his affidavit, No. SS 66. In his examination he described all the clever methods to disguise murders as natural deaths and thus to deceive the civil courts and, from 1940 on, the SS courts.

I continue on Page 69, about the middle of the page.

Since the use in 1934 of the Death's Head Units as camp personnel, the General SS and later the Waffen SS no longer had anything to do with concentration camp affairs and certainly not with the Kommandantur personnel in personnel or legal questions. The Amts Group D of the WVHA, with their small group of thirty thousand men of the above-mentioned nominal Waffen SS, had become an independent and separate unit with their own telephone and teletype system and their own couriers to the concentration camps. Only the Gestapo had a channel into the concentration camp, into the so- called political department, which was subordinate to it and usually run by a criminal investigation secretary. Here also there was no connection with the rest of the SS.

As regards secrecy, an important factor was, as Kaindl explains in Affidavit SS 68, that the staffs of the Kommandanturen were made up of the same personnel, until the middle of 1942, as had existed at the beginning of the war. Thus, too, knowledge of the conditions and events could not be spread before 1942. From a psychological point of view one must consider that these persons responsible for orders issued or received had not the slightest reason to talk about their sinister acts.

Because of the lack of time I have to pass over the next few pages, and ask the Tribunal to read them. They deal in detail with the counter-propaganda which had intentionally been started by Germans and present comprehensive proof in the way of affidavits and statements before the Commission. The same applies to the mass extermination camps, Auschwitz, Monowitz, Treblinka, and so on.

I continue on Page 73, on the bottom of the page.

No proof has been furnished that the mass of the SS knew anything of the activity of the Einsatz Commandos.

To refute the question of whether knowledge existed of the biological experiments in the concentration camps I shall point only to what I consider a most peculiar fact - that extensive testimony was taken on the question whether the witness Goering had known of them. I could state that those experiments were carried on only in a few camps, that, as proven by various affidavits, they were carried out only after the prisoners had voluntarily agreed to them; but I am not going to do so because I am not willing to defend them at all, and I do not wish to create such an impression. It is enough to refer to the argument about the knowledge or ignorance of Goering in this matter, and to the question as to what evidence has been taken in favour of the unknown SS man. I do not doubt at all that the witness Sievers, Manager of Ahnenerbe is chargeable with guilt, because of his knowledge and carrying out of these criminal experiments; but not so his co-workers, since those experiments constituted about one per cent of its total research programme.

I finally would like to quote in regard to the knowledge of those crimes an article which I found in the Berliner Blatter, issue No. 1, of 1946. In an article by Oskar Goetz, entitled "The Jew in the Third Reich," I quote:

"We, for instance, in camp Theresienstadt, considered the happenings in Auschwitz, the other crimes in the death camps of Mauthausen, Maidanek, Ravensbrueck, and Buchenwald only as rumours, yes, as only immeasurably exaggerated rumours. The things that actually happened in Auschwitz, for example, did not authentically come to our attention in Theresienstadt before
[Page 124]

the spring of 1945, when a few survivors returned from Auschwitz after the camp was dissolved. In the interest of a just evaluation of his contemporaries one must be factual, and should desire to be so. No guilty one should go free, but no innocent one should be burdened with guilt."
I continue the last paragraph on Page 74:
"If now one reached the conclusion that apart from a certain definable or more or less definable group of culprits - witness Dr. Morgen mentioned, certain circles of culprits within the concentration camp system - the great mass of the SS had no knowledge of the crimes, but like the rest of the Germans knew of the deportations, that could be considered criminal under Article 60 of the Charter only if it were in connection with a war of aggression. I have already mentioned that the bulk of the SS were not aware that they waged a war of aggression."


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[IIrina]

Adesso dico una cosa controversa:

E` ancora da dimostrare che Hitler sapeva degli esperimenti su bimbi.
E` stata opera da Mengele.

Ma dai che anche Er Duce diceva che era un pazzo!

[antoninus]

Ma dai che anche Er Duce diceva che era un pazzo!

Certamente, ha combinato molto male e ha fatto milioni di vittime.
Era "pazzo" come Napoleone, Alessandro Magno, e altri megalomani.

[IIrina]

Certamente, ha combinato molto male e ha fatto milioni di vittime.
Era "pazzo" come Napoleone, Alessandro Magno, e altri megalomani.

Non come. La guerra è una cosa, la pazzia è un'altra. Hitler era pazzo nel senso psichiatrico del termine! Assolutamente non "come". Sei milioni di vittime non li ha fatti sul campo ma nei gassifiatori e nei campi di concentramento! Gente non morta sotto bombardamenti ma fatta morire a poco a poco con la tra atroci soprusi e la consapevolezza di non avere speranza alcuna. Un conto è morire in guerra o sotto i bombardamenti, un'altro essere vittima della follia.
Comunque chi cerca anche in maniera "velata" di difendere Hitler deve essere malato. Deve avere nella mente impulsi repressi (o già espressi, spero di no!) da serial killer, torturatore o molestatore di minori o qualcosa del genere.

[antoninus]

Non come. La guerra è una cosa, la pazzia è un'altra. Hitler era pazzo nel senso psichiatrico del termine! Assolutamente non "come". Sei milioni di vittime non li ha fatti sul campo ma nei gassifiatori e nei campi di concentramento! Gente non morta sotto bombardamenti ma fatta morire a poco a poco con la tra atroci soprusi e la consapevolezza di non avere speranza alcuna. Un conto è morire in guerra o sotto i bombardamenti, un'altro essere vittima della follia.
Comunque chi cerca anche in maniera "velata" di difendere Hitler deve essere malato. Deve avere nella mente impulsi repressi (o già espressi, spero di no!) da serial killer, torturatore o molestatore di minori o qualcosa del genere.

Per carita`. Non lo sto difendendo. Ma non ti sembra sbagliato dire che era pazzo/malato? Era malvagio, sapeva e intendeva cosa faceva. Dandogli del pazzo, sei tu che gli fornisce una difesa, che diminuisce la gravita` dei suoi misfatti.

Napoleone, Alessandro Magno--- hanno commesso degli eccidi. Hanno causato la morte di milioni di persone. Lo hanno fatto per ambizione. Quindi, erano malvagi come Hitler.

Comunque, non esiste nessun documento dimostrando che Hitler soffriva di infermita` mentale.

[antoninus]

Hitler era un grave malato di mente, era uno psicopatico? E' questo il quadro clinico che esce da due patobiografie di Hitler che pure partono da assunti di base molto diversi: il trauma familiare (Erik H. Erikson); l'archetipo del cattivo seme (James Hillman). La teoria del falso profeta mi sembra troppo comoda, troppo facile, riduttiva. Il falso profeta ha le spalle grosse, su di lui si possono scaricare tutte le responsabilità, tutte le colpe. Il vero problema è, a mio parere, l'imputabilità per i reati commessi - non solo dei gerarchi del regime, non solo dei macabri gestori dei campi di sterminio, non solo degli ufficiali che hanno comandato i plotoni di esecuzione contro inermi e innocenti - di un intero popolo. Come è stato possibile che un intero popolo sia stato ammaliato da uno psicopatico e lo abbia ubbidito ciecamente?
Hannah Arendt è stata tra i pochi che ha lucidamente tentato di dare una risposta a questa domanda.
E' forse grazie alla sua condizione permanente di esule e alla sua concezione che l'essere umano pur vivendo nel mondo è "senza mondo" che ella poté guardare, senza pregiudizi, nell'Ombra. Riuscì, cioè, a non criminalizzare aprioristicamente il nemico. Incaricata dal "New Yorker" a seguire il processo per crimini nazisti contro Eichmann, un gerarca sfuggito al tribunale di Norimberga, che si svolse a Gerusalemme nel 1961, scandalizzò tutti per il modo con cui descrisse l'imputato:

"Ciò che avevo sotto gli occhi [era] l'evidente superficialità del colpevole, [...] che rendeva impossibile ricondurre l'incontestabile malvagità dei suoi atti a un livello più profondo di cause e motivazioni. Gli atti erano mostruosi, ma l'attore [...] risultava quanto mai ordinario, mediocre, tutt'altro che demoniaco o mostruoso. Nessun segno in lui di ferme convinzioni ideologiche, o di specifiche motivazioni malvagie (...) Clichés, frasi fatte, l'adesione a codici di espressione e di condotta convenzionali e standardizzati".




La Arendt ritirò le proiezioni demonizzanti e trovò le radici del nazismo nell'agghiacciante normalità dell'assentarsi dal pensare. Il male che origina da queste radici, scrive a Gershom Scholem, non possiede "né una radicalità né una dimensione demoniaca: può ricoprire il mondo e devastarlo, precisamente perché si diffonde come un fungo sulla sua superficie".
Dall'esperienza di Gerusalemme la Arendt trasse La banalità del male, un libro che da semplice resoconto di un processo ha assunto le caratteristiche di una riflessione - anticipatrice, precorritrice, profetica - sul nazismo nell'accezione arendtiana quale male oscuro della società occidentale uscita dalla seconda guerra mondiale. Ombra collettiva i cui esiti catastrofici tocchiamo oggi con mano. Da una parte siamo come topi intrappolati in un lager mediatico, sempre più incapaci di pensare e di vivere, di comunicare e di dialogare, di avere una visione indipendente della vita e del mondo, dall'altra assistiamo impotenti al proliferare di guerre insensate e sanguinose che i gestori del potere mediatico hanno l'impudenza di chiamare pace.
Karl Jaspers, in una lettera del 25 luglio 1963, a proposito delle reazioni provocate da La banalità del male scrive alla Arendt: "Tu hai toccato molta gente nel nervo più sensibile, perché li hai colpiti nella menzogna della loro esistenza e perciò ti odiano".
"La nostra democrazia dovrebbe imparare dalla lezione di Hitler", afferma Hilman in Il codice dell'anima, "perché esiste il rischio che si possa eleggere un giorno al potere il vincitore di qualche Superquiz televisivo e che si educhino i nostri figli a credere che le autostrade dell'informazione siano la via della conoscenza. Se uno degli indizi della psicopatia è la mente banale che si esprime con frasi altisonanti, allora stiamo attenti, perché un'educazione che privilegia i fatti invece che il pensiero e 'valori' nazionalistici e confessionali, 'politicamente corretti' invece del giudizio critico può produrre una nazione di primi della classe che sono anche psicopatici".