India: ancora sangue e repressione in West Bengala

[Zefram_Cochrane]

BENGALA: IL GRANDE ESODO PDF Stampa E-mail
venerdì 09 febbraio 2007

Barricate nelle strade e scontri tra agricoltori e funzionari del Partito comunista con 6 morti e oltre 50 feriti. Esplode violenta la protesta contro lo spostamento di oltre 100mila contadini deciso dal governo comunista del Bengala occidentale per creare una zona industriale, a circa 80 km. da Kolkata. Il governo vuole creare una Zona economica speciale con esenzioni dalle tasse per gli investitori esteri e un complesso chimico, su 19.000 acri del Nandigram. Ma occorre eliminare 38 villaggi e spostare oltre 100.000 agricoltori della zona tra i fiumi Haldi e Hooghly.

http://www.vcoazzurratv.info/index.p...1119&Itemid=60

[Terraeamore]

Il partito comunista indiano al governo è una delle tante vergogne associate alla meravigliosa parola comunismo.
solidarietà agli eroici contadini resistenti.

[22Ottobre]

Il partito comunista indiano al governo è una delle tante vergogne associate alla meravigliosa parola comunismo.
solidarietà agli eroici contadini resistenti.

Il problema è che il PCI(marxista) di comunista non ha proprio nulla. Non a caso i contadini resistenti sia in Bengala che nel Kerala (che sono due tra gli stati indiani più poveri) sono aiutati esclusivamente dalle formazioni naxalite-maoiste combattenti o meno. La più forte politicamente e con maggior seguito è il PCI(maoista) dei compagni Ganapathy e Khisan.
Ed in questo contesto ha senso politico e non solo economico anche il tentativo del capitale indiano di cancellare la base contadina dell'appoggio naxalita-maoista proprio nelle roccaforti della guerriglia e della resistenza.
Ed ecco che in uno dei "granai" indiani come il Bengala il governo cerca di creare zone industriali.

A luta continua

[Zefram_Cochrane]

sì, credo che così sia giusto chiamare le grandi proteste di massa che da mesi si susseguono in India; in questi giorni ormai la questione bengalese ha travalicato i confini del bengala occidentale, e come una marea sta invadendo tutta l'India; soprattutto la sinistra universitaria si sta mobilitando in tutto il paese, e sono sempre di più le azioni di protesta; si protesta anche contro la "falsa sinistra" rappresentata dal PCI, che ormai è diventato a tutti gli effetti un partito servo dei padroni indiani e internazionali, così come tutti gli altri partiti dell'establishment; ad ogni modo il movimento di protesta sociale negli ultimi tempi è in grande crescita in India, e francamente io vedo con molto interesse questa nuova realtà di opposizione al capitalismo, che si sta sviluppando proprio in uno dei cosiddetti paesi "emergenti" dove i capitalisti nostrani vanno a delocalizzare le loro industrie sperando che la manodopera indiana si lasci per sempre sfruttare(cosa che pensano anche i capitalisti indiani, naturalmente); peccato che sempre più lavoratori e contadini indiani non la pensino più così ....secondo me noi abbiamo il diritto e il dovere di sostenere questa nuova realtà di opposizione al capitalismo.

Thematrix

[Zefram_Cochrane]

c'è un interessante articolo su People's March intitolato "Special Economic Zones - A New Form Of Colonization" che ci aiuta a capire un pò di più sulla realtà di queste "zone economiche speciali" come quella contro cui protestano i contadini del Bengala Occidentale....purtroppo non riesco a copiarlo dato che l'articolo è in PDF, ma vi linko il PDF

http://peoplesmarch.googlepages.com/dec.2006.pdf

l'articolo inizia a pagina 8

Thematrix

[Zefram_Cochrane]

qui invece c'è una lettera aperta al primo ministro del Bengala Occidentale, Buddhadeb (pag. 3)

http://www.singlespark.org/PeoplesMarch/PM2007-02.pdf

[Zefram_Cochrane]

e per finire, ecco cosa c'è dietro i "megacontratti" che i nostri politici con sorrisi sfavillanti firmano in India


India - 14.2.2007
Tata Motors, la fabbrica delle violenze

Il nuovo partner della Fiat produrrà a Singur l'auto più economica al mondo. A scapito di chi ci vive

E' ufficiale: con soddisfazione di entrambe le parti, l'italiana Fiat è diventata il nuovo partner commerciale del colosso indiano Tata, con cui produrrà pick up in Argentina. La Tata Motors ha avuto ampio spazio sui giornali grazie al nuovo prodotto, che dovrebbe uscire nel 2008: la vettura più economica del mondo, venduta a poco più di 1.700 euro. Meno risalto è stato dato al fatto che lo stabilimento che dovrebbe produrla, nel Bengala Occidentale, è al centro delle polemiche, tra scontri, violenze e pesanti accuse, fino a quella di omicidio.


La questione della terra.

La costruzione dello stabilimento di Singur è stata inaugurata il 21 gennaio scorso. L'area su cui sorgerà la fabbrica, poco più di 400 ettari di terreno agricolo, è stata acquisita dal governo dello stato grazie a una legge fatta dall'impero britannico, il Land Acquisition Act del 1894. Quattordicimila contadini si sono ritrovati senza terre, perlopiù la loro unica fonte di sussistenza, ora recintate da dieci chilometri di rete metallica e presidiate da uomini armati. Alcuni negano di aver mai firmato il documento in cui cedevano le loro proprietà al governo, altri dicono di essere stati minacciati per farlo, altri ancora ammettono di avere accettato in cambio della promessa di un lavoro in fabbrica, e comunque perché non avevano scelta: il governo le avrebbe prese comunque, in quanto la vecchia legge coloniale non prevede che si debba chiedere il permesso ai contadini prima di sfrattarli. I documenti di cessione servono per disciplinare i risarcimenti. Questi soldi però saranno elargiti solo a chi può dimostrare burocraticamente il possesso della terra, cioè non tutti, e in ogni caso la somma “rimborsata” dal governo (circa 1.600 euro per ogni proprietà, un valore molto al di sotto del prezzo di mercato) non basta certo a garantire un futuro – come fanno notare i contadini – a intere famiglie che grazie alla terra sopravvivono. Certamente non basteranno a comprare una delle nuove automobili, “le più economiche del mondo”. Ma c'è di peggio.


Brutali violenze.

I contadini di Singur denunciano da mesi le intimidazioni, le violenze e i pestaggi di cui sono vittime da parte della polizia e delle squadracce di criminali locali al soldo del governo e di Tata Motors. Le manifestazioni contro lo stabilimento, che il governo ha cercato di bloccare imponendo il divieto di riunione e assembramento in base alla Section 144 del codice indiano, sono state regolarmente represse con violenza: un ragazzo picchiato a morte e decine di feriti. Se ne sono accorti anche i giornalisti indiani, in qualche occasione finiti “dal lato sbagliato del manganello”. Sul nuovo stabilimento di Singur aleggia anche l'ombra di una donna morta. Il 18 dicembre 2006 Tapasi Malik, una giovane attivista nella lotta dei contadini contro l'esproprio delle terre, è stata ritrovata in una buca all'interno dei terreni recintati e guardati a vista dove sorgerà la fabbrica Tata Motors. Era stata bruciata (viva, come appurerà l'autopsia) dopo essere stata seviziata. Mentre la polizia ha immediatamente detto che si trattava di suicidio, la famiglia e i compagni di Tapasi Malik hanno accusato polizia e squadracce della Tata: sono loro, dicono i contadini, che volevano “dare una lezione” a quella che era una delle più attive contestatrici del progetto di Singur.


Lo scontro politico.

La protesta di Singur è diventata un caso politico nel Bengala Occidentale. Contro le scelte del governo di Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, del Partito comunista marxista indiano, si sono scagliate le forze di opposizione: dal Trinamool Congress (il cui leader è stato per settimane in sciopero della fame contro l'esproprio delle terre) ai partiti maoisti e marxisti-leninisti. Anche i guerriglieri maoisti Naxaliti, che combattono da decenni per l'instaurazione di uno Stato socialista indipendente dal governo centrale, si sono dichiarati dalla parte dei contadini: per loro Tapasi Malik è diventata “la martire di Singun”.

Cecilia Strada

http://www.peacereporter.net/dettagl...dt=&idart=7331

[Red Shadow]

Sei comunisti del PCI (M) assassinati in West Bengala

January 09, 2007

Press Release

A spate of accusations have been made against the CPI(M) and the Left Front government headed by it in West Bengal. It has been accused of being insensitive to people’s concerns, anti-democratic etc. Several well-meaning individuals have fallen prey to the misinformation campaign launched by vested interests and the opponents of the West Bengal Left Front and the CPI(M).

It needs to be made clear at the outset that as far as land for industrialisation is concerned, in contrast to other Governments the West Bengal Government and its Chief Minister have repeatedly stated that the Government will have widespread consultations with local communities and elected Panchayat officials and will not proceed with any acquisition of land without taking all sections into confidence. The Government is firmly committed to protect the interests of the peasantry, sharecroppers, agricultural workers and other sections of the rural poor while taking forward the process of industrialisation.

As far as the specific violent incidents related to Nandigram is concerned there has been no notice issued for land acquisition. Yet a deliberate campaign of misinformation is being run by opposition parties. This includes the most outrageous accusation that the Communists plan to destroy masjids and mandirs in the area. It needs to be pointed out that at least six CPI(M) workers have been brutally killed and two offices of the party burnt. In a planned drive, houses of CPI(M) workers were identified in areas where opposition parties dominate and families have been driven out and their homes attacked. This not a spontaneous outburst but a planned political attack led by the TMC and ultra-Left elements committed to violence. In spite of this huge provocation, the administration has displayed the utmost caution in not using the police so as to enable a normalization of the situation.

The facts about the incidents are detailed below:

What happened on 3rd January?

The recent trouble in Nandigram began with attacks on Panchayat members, administrative officials and police on 3rd January, 2007. East Midnapur is poised to be declared as the first “Nirmal” district of the country,for excellent achievements in sanitation. A central team is scheduled to visit Nandigram on 12th and 13th January for this purpose. On 3rd January , the preparatory meeting for the visit was taking place in Kalicharanpur Panchayat .The Block officials were also present. The opposition parties, including Trinamool Congress, SUCI, some Naxalite factions and fundamentalist forces gathered together and spread rumors that the said meeting was for land acquisition. Suddenly 25-30 people gathered here and tried to break in the meeting. They were violent and abusive. They started pelting stones and the Panchayat secretary was injured. The health sub-centre was also stoned. Then only the panchayat members informed the Nandigram police station. As the police vehicle was proceeding towards the village, they were attacked by an armed mob. 14 policemen were injured, two others were kidnapped. Police was forced to use tear gas and then fired two rounds in the air. The police vehicle was torched. After some time another mob attacked a police car about five kilometers away and attempted to burn it.

The so-called “Nandigram Bhumi Raksha Committee’’ destroyed bridges and culverts linking roads. On 4th January, they burnt a 25KV electric sub-station, In the afternoon, an armed gang with firearms attacked the CPI(M) local committee office and burnt it. Cadres of TMC and other forces roamed around and threatened CPI(M) leaders and sympathizers with dire consequences. In the night, they kidnapped local Panchayat pradhan. Many among the mob were naxalite activists from Kolkata, Gaya and certain places from Orissa. CPI(M) workers were forced to leave the villages where the opposition dominates and took shelter in a nearby camp. That the mob was armed were seen in the photographs published in newspapers too. The entire incident was meticulously planned.

For the next two days, the Bhumi Raksha Committee blocked the roads within the villages, prohibited every movement and raised money forcibly from the people. The TMC, Congress leaders went there and issued threats of more violence. Meanwhile a heinous communal campaign was also been unleashed. The police remained restrained and they have not entered the village at all. The police convened a meeting on 5th January in Nandigram police station and leaders of TMC,SUCI ,JAMAT ULEMA were present. They verbally agreed to maintain peace and then reacted very differently in the villages.

The incident on 6th night --7th morning

On 6th January midnight armed miscreants of Bhumi Raksha Committee attacked the camps of CPI(M) workers who took refuge there. The attackers hurled bombs .The CPI(M) workers were forced to resist and in the ensuing clash two of the attackers were killed. Almost at the same time, the armed gangs of Bhumi Raksha Committee unleashed mayhem within the village. They killed CPI(M) supporters,torched homes,Panchayat offices .Five bodies of CPI(M) activists and sympathizers who have been killed lynched and hacked to death were found. They were: Bhudev Mandal,Sankar Samanta,Rabin Bhuia,Sudeb Mandal,Biswajit Maiti. According to reports, two more CPI(M) workers were also killed though their bodies have not yet been found. Four more Party workers have been kidnapped. Some of those who were killed have been threatened earlier too and it was reported in the newspapesrs.

To cover up the ghastardly killing the TMC,CONGRESS and others called a Bandh. On 7th January night and 8th morning they burnt two CPI(M) offices in Talapati and Bhekutia-Dibanandapur.

There was no case of so-called retaliation provocation from CPI(M).The Party leaders, including Biman Basu have appealed for maintaining peace to all political parties.

Dietro l'estrema sinistra la mano dell'estrema destra e del Congresso!!!

[Red Shadow]

Questa una bella analisi dei "maoisti" indiani e di quanto poco siano maoisti:

Anil Biswas

‘Maoism’: An Exercise in Anarchism
The Marxist
Volume XXI, No. 4
October-December 2005

In recent times, some areas of West Bengal have witnessed activities of the ‘Maoist’ group. The group has tried to draw attention to itself through committing several grisly murders and by triggering some explosions. They are engaged in setting up ‘bases’ in the remote and relatively inaccessible locales of West Bengal that border Bihar-Jharkhand. They seek a foothold in some other districts of the state as well. A section of the corporate media has also been encouraging them, by legitimising the Maoists’ killing of CPI (M) leaders and workers in districts like Bankura, Purulia, and Midnapore west.
The CPI (M-L)-People’s War and the Maoist Communist Centre, two groups of the Naxalite persuasion, came together on 21 September 2004 to form a new party, the CPI (Maoist). As with the two erstwhile constituents, the Maoists are active in selected areas of Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, and Jharkhand. Because of the secretive style of their working, their political outlook and activities are largely unknown to the mass of the people. The name of the CPI (Maoist) has been associated with violent acts and spreading terror. Going by their programme and ideological stand, the party is a violent anarchist outfit. Anarchy can cause harm to the democratic struggle and Left movement. The CPI (M) will counter this party politically and ideologically.
The CPI (M) formed after a long ideological debate in 1964, and a new Party Programme was adopted. Sectarian and ultra-left adventurist trends arose in the ongoing struggle against revisionism and reformism. In those years, the entire country, especially Bengal, saw mass anger against the anti-people policies of the ruling party. In particular, Bengal witnessed a massive wave of mass movements.
Following the establishment of the United Front government in 1967, the land movement, along with the movements of the workers, employees, middle class, students, youth accelerated further. A peasants’ movement was organised at Naxalbari based on the land movement and capture of state power through that movement. The CPI (M-L) formed in May 1969. In its attempts at creating ‘liberated zones’ and transforming the decade of the 1970s into the ‘decade of liberation’, the CPI (M-L) chose the CPI (M) as its target. The CPI (M) had to wage a tough political-ideological battle while under attack from the ruling Congress and the Naxalites.
The Naxalite movement splintered within the period of five years. The Naxalites split into innumerable small groups. The division and re-division went on for three decades thereafter. In the process of this disintegration, the People’s War Group (PWG) was set up in Andhra Pradesh under the tutelage of Kondapally Seetaramaiah. The PWG looked to Naxalite leader Charu Majumdar as the ‘pathfinder’. The Kanai Chatterjee-Amulya Sen-Chandrasekhar Das-led anti-Charu Majumdar group established the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC). The newly-formed CPI (Maoist) chooses to salute both Chatterjee and Majumdar as ‘great leaders’. Current imperatives have brought them together, but their documents show how from the 1980s until 2000, both the groups were at each other’s throats and the battle of attrition saw casualties pile up on both sides.
The draft programme of the CPI (Maoist) denigrates the glorious tradition of the Communist movement in India. In this, they are at one with the pracharaks of the RSS. They forget how it was the Communists who first raised the slogan of complete independence in India. The Communist movement had called for the inclusion of the socio-economic content to the call for swaraj. The Communists had also been deeply involved in building up a mass base among the people. The Communist movement was severely repressed, and the colonial rulers brought a series of conspiracy cases—Meerut, Kanpur, and Peshawar—against Communists. The Communist Party had also been in the vanguard of building up an anti-imperialist movement in India. The Maoists would have us believe that the ‘betrayal’ by the communists in British India had prevented a revolution although the ‘revolutionary content was present then’. We may only note that the Maoists have declared that they do not form part of the Communist movement in India; this is a bit of unexpected self-revelation that shows them up in proper light.

I "maoisti" erano largamente sconosciuti alle masse. Gli stessi "naxaliti" del PCI (m-l) erano avversari dei "maoisti". Mentre si proclamavano gli unici e puri comunisti attaccavano tutta la storia dei comunisti indiani e del movimento anticolonialista.

[Red Shadow]

WHAT IS BEING TOUTED AS ‘MAOISM’?

There is no doubt that Mao Zedong is one of greatest revolutionary leaders of the twentieth century. Under his leadership, the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the mass of the people organised a democratic revolution in that backward country and started the work of socialist construction. New democracy or people’s democracy meant a link between the democratic and the socialist revolutions, the basis of which was the leadership of the working class and a worker-peasant unity. In advancing the various stages of the Chinese revolution, Mao had implemented the principles of Marxism-Leninism in the specific conditions prevailing in China. In particular, Mao had explained analytically the dialectical materialism of Marx, helping the CPC to take the correct stand in the different phases of the Chinese revolution. Despite the admitted errors of the Great Leap Forward, Mao had led from the front the task of socialist construction in China.
What is ‘Maoism’? It is a totally incorrect concept and reeks of motivation. It is an attempt to separate the theory and implementation of Mao from the classical and developing stream of Marxism-Leninism. The term ‘Maoism’ is utilised by those who stand opposed to the CPC as well as by the bourgeois ‘Marxologists’ who use the term ‘Stalinism’ in an equally jeering fashion.
In the so-called Lin Biao Congress, or the 9th Congress of the CPC (April 1969), a touchstone for the Maoists, it was declared that the CPC believes Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought as the theoretical and directional basis. One should note that even by the adulating Lin, the word used was not ‘Maoism’ but Mao Zedong Thought. Mao Zedong Thought was defined at the CPC Congress as the theoretical coordination of the reality and practice of the Chinese Revolution with the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism. The theoretical basis for this is erroneous. Characterising Mao Zedong Thought as the Marxism-Leninism of an era when imperialism has been ‘destroyed’ and when socialism ‘has made worldwide progress’, is not an objective evaluation. It was, among other things, an attempt to impose on the world situation the specific experience of socialist reconstruction in China. In fact, this kind of an attempt ends up negating the most notable features of Mao’s own thinking and his mode of functioning. Mao certainly enriched Marxism-Leninism through his thought and practice, but it would not be correct to say that he brought up Marxism-Leninism to a ‘completely new stage’. It was under Lin’s tenure as General Secretary of the CPC that Mao’s theorising was turned into philosophical precepts and adored. Notably though, it was the CPC central committee under Mao which later criticised Lin for his activities.
A wide attack on the precepts of the 9th CPC Congress is found in the address delivered at the 30th anniversary of the formation of the People’s Republic of China by CPC vice-president Marshall Jianying. He said that the CPC and the people of China regarded the application and development of Marxism-Leninism in the Chinese revolution as Mao Zedong Thought. He went on to say that Mao Zedong Thought was not the product of Mao’s personal wisdom; it represented the crystallisation of the experience of fifty years of the revolutionary struggle in China; it also represented the crystallisation of the common wisdom of the CPC. He pointed out that during the ‘Cultural Revolution, they turned the relationship between the subjective and the objective, between the mind and the matter upside down’. Similarly, ‘they passed off idealism and metaphysics as materialism and dialectics, historical idealism as historical materialism, and their utterly ridiculous pseudo-socialism as scientific socialism’.
The sixth plenary session of the eleventh central committee noted that Mao Zedong Thought which came into being through the collective struggle of the Party and the people, was the guiding ideology of the Party; ‘Mao Zedong Thought is the integration of the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution’. The document militates against the attempt to universalise Mao Zedong Thought. The report mentions repeatedly the specificity of the Chinese situation and the Chinese experience.
Maoists, whether in Peru, Nepal, or India, never seem to get over this habit of gathering together sayings of Mao Zedong and treating them as universal principles. They also alienate the people with the slogan ‘China’s chairman is our chairman’. No Communist Party that recognises the term Mao Zedong Thought, and, like the CPI (M), recognises the need to draw the correct lessons from Mao’s historic role, talks about ‘Maoism’.
After 31 years of the formation of the MCC, the term ‘Maoism’ was adopted by the CPI (Maoist) ‘amidst great debate and controversy’, according to Kisan, a leader of the party (People’s March, 7 November 2004). He believes Maoism to be the third and higher stage in the qualitative development of Marxism.
Let us now see what Pushpa Kumar Dahal (a k a Prachanda) has to say about ‘Maoism’ (On Maoism). According to him, Mao Zedong ‘thought’ is confusing: Maoism is ‘scientific’. Inter alia, Prachanda talks about such inanities as Mao having identified (presumably as an original contribution) class struggle, struggle for production, and scientific experimentation. According to Prachanda, Mao Zedong brought philosophy out of the reading room of philosophers and spoke of necessity of making it a massive and real power. Is Prachanda not familiar with Marx’s eleventh thesis on Feurbach? Does he consider Lenin to be a philosopher confined to reading rooms? Then again, Prachanda accredits Mao Zedong with having uniquely contributed to history through his destruction of Chinese feudalism by giving land to the peasant, and of nationalising foreign and Chinese monopoly financial institutions, and for his control over private capital. Prachanda cites Mao’s slogans—‘barrel of the rifle is the source of power’, ‘imperialism is a paper tiger’—plus his concept of the people’s war as original contributions to the growth of scientific socialism. These are clearly comments of a person who understands neither the practice nor the breadth of Mao’s thinking.
Indeed, the Maoists seem to be obsessed with armed activities that inevitably result in individual terror and annihilation. The slogan of ‘people’s war’ generates a lot of verbosity, but ignores socio-economic analysis and political activities. ‘Maoism’ has been created to allow the selective use of Mao’s sayings on military science and guerrilla warfare out of context and without a logical analytical framework.

Più che maoisti si tratta di Lin Piaosti.