Questo può accadere a chi ama la propria gente

[semipadano (POL)]

più dell'alveo confortevole di un'ideologia o di una religione.

Benazir Bhutto (IPA: [beːnɜziːr bʰʊʈʈoː]; Urdu: بینظیر بھٹو, Sindhi: بینظیر ڀُٽو; 21 June 1953 - December 27, 2007) was a Pakistani politician. Bhutto was the first woman elected to lead a post-colonial Muslim state. She was twice elected Prime Minister of Pakistan. She was sworn in for the first time in 1988 but removed from office 20 months later under orders of then-president Ghulam Ishaq Khan on grounds of alleged corruption. In 1993 Bhutto was re-elected but was again removed in 1996 on similar charges, this time by President Farooq Leghari.
Bhutto went into self-imposed exile in Dubai in 1998, where she remained until she returned to Pakistan on October 18, 2007, after reaching an understanding with General Musharraf by which she was granted amnesty and all corruption charges were withdrawn.[1]
She was the eldest child of former premier Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a Pakistani of Sindhi extraction, and Begum ("Lady") Nusrat Bhutto, a Pakistani of Iranian-Kurdish extraction. Her paternal grandfather was Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto who came to Larkana Sindh before partition from his native town of Bhatto Kalan which was situated in the Indian state of Haryana.
She was assassinated on December 27, 2007 during a suicide bombing attack on an election rally in Rawalpindi.

[semipadano (POL)]

Benazir Bhutto's speech to a conference on "Cold War: Heroes, Villains &
Spies" at The Royal Institute of International Affairs London, England

September 10th, 1998

================
Ladies and Gentlemen.

It is a great pleasure for me to be with you in London today. As you may
be aware, my family and I, and the leadership of the Pakistan Peoples
Party are all under heavy assault from the current regime in Pakistan.
This is a complex conspiracy to defame not only
us, but the very concept of democracy in my besieged homeland. So lest
you in the West think that the fight against fascism and totalitarianism
lies in the past, remember what is going on in Pakistan, in Burma and in
other parts of the world where the fight for freedom is not yet won.

This is consistent with the main point I would like to make to you today
in our discussion of the Afghan situation in the context of big and small
state relations. For the people of Britain and the United States and all
of the West, the Cold War ended with the crumbling of the Berlin Wall.
For countries of the developing world that were
instruments and surrogates of the East and the West for forty years --
and especially for my own country of Pakistan -- we are still living with
the profound and tragic consequences of the superpower confrontation.

When the West correctly and bravely determined in the late forties to
confront and contain communism's expansion, morality took on a bipolar
configuration. Whether it was the Marshall plan to economically rebuild
Europe, or the creation of the NATO alliance to contain the Soviet Union,
the world became a contest between "us" and "them." And the West
strategically calculated, that any nations who would stand with the west
against communism would be treated as friends and allies.

Political systems became irrelevant. Due process became irrelevant.
Human rights became irrelevant. Democracy became irrelevant. The enemy
of my enemy became my friend.

The Greek junta. The Marcos dictatorship. The generals in Argentina. The
Zia-ul-Haq bloodbath against democracy in Pakistan. The enemies of my
enemy became my friends. And the victims of our friends became
irrelevant.

A democratically elected government in Pakistan was overthrown in a
military coup. A democratically elected Prime Minister was murdered. A
political party was decimated, tortured, sent into exile. The press was
destroyed. Unions were banned. Student organizations were prohibited.
The cause of women was sent back into another century.

And the world was silent.

For in the polarity of the Cold War, the cooperation of the Pakistani
dictator Zia-ul-Haq with the West's effort to dislodge the Soviet
aggression in Afghanistan, was sufficient justification to disregard the
political and social abuse, the human rights travesties, the
suppression of democracy.

For a long and bloody decade, from 1979 through 1989, the West,
particularly the United States -- used Pakistan as a surrogate in its
final confrontation with the Soviet Union. Billions of billions of
covert aid was channeled through Pakistan to the Mujahadeen. The
Pakistan/Afghan border became a porous fiction. My country became the
staging area for the West's final assault on the tottering Soviet empire.

My country, which was totally unfamiliar to the drug culture, became a
nation of heroine addicts. My country, which had no tradition of
lawlessness, was so overridden with weapons in every neighborhood, on
every street, in almost every house, that a Kalishnikof mentality emerged
and the rule of law disappeared. Our cities were
overwhelmed with crime and violence, a situation that persists today.

Millions of Afghan refugees, driven from their country by the civil war
in their country, took refuge in Pakistan and were housed, and educated,
and provided with food and health care at extraordinary cost to Pakistani
society. Almost two million of these refugees remain on Pakistani soil
today.

The consequences of the West's strategic effort in Afghanistan
transcended the impact on my own country. For the confrontation with the
Soviets, and the support of the Mujahadeen itself became a symbol of the
myopia of the Cold War.

When I visited the United States early in my first time as Prime Minister
of Pakistan, in 1989, I vividly recall discussions with then President
Bush about the political situation in Afghanistan. The United States had
made a military decision to arm and strengthen
the fiercest fighters in the Afghan resistance -- the forces of
Gulbuddin Hakmatyar. I cautioned Mr. Bush that he was creating a
veritable Frankenstein by aligning the United States with the most
extremist of the Mujahadeen groups.

I cautioned the West that by strengthening the most extreme and
fundamentalist of the resistance, it was weakening the political position
of the rest of the resistance coalition. The pragmatists and the
moderates were shunned aside by the United State's single
minded efforts to strengthen the most extreme of the seven Majahadeen
factions. And I cautioned that this element of the Mujahadeen was not
only religiously fanatic, but viscerally anti-Western.

I warned that we must look beyond the inevitable military victory against
the communist regime in Kabul, and work toward setting up a successor
government that was broad-based and moderate. But because the United
States chose not to opt for a political settlement involving all seven
elements of the Mujahadeen, peace was not restored to Afghanistan.
Indeed in the decade since the Soviets withdrew in 1989, the people of
Afghanistan have not seen a single day of peace.

The extremists were so emboldened by the United States during the
eighties are now exporting their terrorism to other parts of the world.
To the extent that they use heroine trafficking to pay for their
exploits, international terrorism and international drug
trafficking intersect.

And as terrorism and drug trafficking pervade western society, the
decision of the United States a generation ago has come full circle. For
not only is stability in Afghanistan a victim, not only were the
foundations and institutions of democracy in Pakistan destroyed in this
process, but the recipients of the West's support and largesse have turned
their venom against their benefactors. As I predicted nine years ago in
Washington, a true Frankenstein has been created.

I think there is a long-term, strategic lesson for all of us in this sad
and continuing by-product of the Cold War:

Whenever fundamental principles are sacrificed in the cause of
expediency, danger follows.

Whenever a dictator is coddled, all democrats, all over the world, are
weakened.

Whenever human rights are abused, all of us become victims.

Whenever the West sacrifices the political values that have made western
democracy a model to the developing world, the chance for democratic
change in Asia and Africa is tragically diminished.

The principles of western democracy can never again be selectively
applied, only when convenient, only in isolated cases.

If a putsch is not to be recognized in Moscow, neither should it be in
Islamabad.

If fraudulent elections are not legitimized in Lagos, they should not be
legitimized in Lahore.

If human rights violations are not tolerated in Serbia, they should
neither be tolerated in Karachi.

If the lack of an independent judiciary is condemned by the west in
Burma, the exploitation of the Courts to victimise the political
opposition should not be tolerated in Pakistan.

We have all learned a long and painful lesson from the lingering
consequences of the Cold War.

The selective application of morality is by its very nature immoral.

So ladies and gentlemen, as this conference ends and you return to your
comfortable homes in this wonderful country at peace and prosperity,
remember those all over the world that have paid a heavy price for the
West's triumph against communism.

For you the Cold War is over.

For the drug addicts of Karachi, for the victims of lawlessness in
Lahore, for the leaders of the Pakistan peoples Party rotting in jails
all throughout Pakistan -- for us, my friends -- the war continues.

Thank you, ladies and gentlemen.

[Juv]

Caxxo...


Tanto di capello ad una donna coraggiosa cresciuta in mezzo ad una massa di retrogaradi, e nonostante questo, in piazza con la propria gente.

[NoNickName (POL)]

No, scusa... Benazhir Bhutto è stata assassinata OGGI? Ma roba da matti...

[Furlan]

[el Doge 91]

[Kornus]

Kamikaze ad un comizio, muore l'ex premier. Nella deflagrazione sono morte almeno altre venti persone


Benazir Bhutto è morta nell’attentato kamikaze compiuto al termine di un suo comizio a Rawalpindi. Lo ha annunciato un collaboratore del Partito del popolo pachistano. La notizia è stata confermata da un alto responsabile dell’esercito. Nella deflagrazione, avvenuta all’esterno della sede in cui Bhutto ha parlato, sono morte almeno altre venti persone. Il leader dell’opposizione era stata portata in un ospedale vicino al luogo dell’esplosione, dove era stata sottoposta a intervento chirurgico. I sostenitori della Bhutto, radunatisi intorno all’ospedale di Rawalpindi, hanno iniziato a intonare slogan contro il presidente Pervez Musharraf. «Cane, Musharraf cane», hanno urlato in preda alla rabbia. I più esagitati hanno sfondato la porta in vetro all’ingresso principale del reparto di terapia intensiva, altri sono scoppiati in lacrime. Un uomo con la bandiera del Ppp avvolta intorno al capo ha iniziato a battersi il petto.

L’8 gennaio in Pakistan si vota per le elezioni politiche e l’opposizione guidata dalla Bhutto ha sfidato il regime del presidente Pervez Musharraf.

Il nuovo attentato segue di poche ore un attacco, avvenuto sempre a Rawalpindi, contro i sostenitori di un altro esponente dell’opposizione, l’ex premier Nawaz Sharif. Alcuni uomini armati hanno aperto il fuoco sulla folla presente al raduno da un vicino edificio e hanno ucciso quattro militanti. I sostenitori di Sharif, a cui è stato proibito di candidarsi per le precedenti condanne per corruzione, hanno accusato militanti del partito di Musharraf (la Lega dei musulmani) per l’attacco.

«Se è vero è una tragedia», ha detto un alto funzionario della Casa Bianca alla Cnn pochi minuti dopo la notizia dell’uccisione dell’ex premier pakistana Benazir Bhutto in un attentato a Rawalpindi. La fonte della Casa Bianca ha aggiunto di non poter confermare indipendentemente la morte dell’ex premier. La sessa reazione è arrivata alla rete di Atlanta da un alto funzionario del Dipartimento di Stato.

La Stampa

>>>LINK<<<

Musharraf il grande amico degli USA mostra il suo vero volto....
Onore a una donna Indipendente!