Tibet indipendente

[Cipriano (POL)]

Volete il Tibet indipendente?

Cosa ne pensate della conquista cinese di questo Paese delle nevi?

[Cipriano (POL)]

Sabato 12 MARZO 2005, dalle ore 15, a Palazzo Valentini Sede della Provincia di Roma - Sala del Consiglio provinciale,

Via IV novembre 119A si terrà una Manifestazione pubblica in ricordo del 10 marzo 1959, anniversario della tragica

repressione del popolo tibetano di Lhasa.

Partecipano Adriano Labbucci, Presidente del Consiglio provinciale; U. Papi, Associazione Amici del Tibet; l'On. Gianni Vernetti, Intergruppo parlamentare Italia-Tibet; Claudio Cardelli, Italia-Tibet; Chhimè R. Choekyapa, Rappresentante di S.S. Il Dalai Lama a Ginevra; I monaci del monastero di Gaden Jang Tse; Dechen Dolkar, Associazione donne tibetane; Tashi Tsering Lama, Comunità tibetana in Italia; I Lama dell'Istituto Samantabhadra e l'Associazione Dharma Tibet. Sono in arrivo molte altre adesioni di Associazioni ed Istituzioni democratiche oltre a quelle di molte altre personalità del mondo della cultura.

Alle ore 17 appuntamento ai giardini di Piazza S. Marco (Piazza Venezia)

per una fiaccolata che arriverà fino al Colosseo.

[Cipriano (POL)]

Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the Forty-Sixth Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day, 10 March 2005
On the occasion of the 46th anniversary of the Tibetan People’s Uprising, I convey my warm greetings to my fellow Tibetans in Tibet and in exile and to our friends around the world.

During these more than four decades great changes have taken place in Tibet. There has been a great deal of economic progress along with development in infrastructure. The Golmud-Lhasa railway link that is being built is a case in point. However, during the same period much has been written by independent journalists and travelers to Tibet about the real situation in Tibet and not what they have been shown. Most of them portray a very different picture than what the Chinese government claims, clearly criticizing China about the lack of human rights, religious freedom and self-rule in Tibet. What has actually happened and is still happening is that since the establishment of the Tibet Autonomous Region the real authority has been solely held by Chinese leaders. As for the Tibetan people, they have been facing suspicions and growing restrictions. The lack of true ethnic equality and harmony based on trust, and the absence of genuine stability in Tibet clearly shows that things are not well in Tibet and that basically there is a problem.

Prominent and respected Tibetan leaders in Tibet have spoken out on this from time to time and even suffered because of their courageous acts. In the early 1960s, the late Panchen Lama outlined the sufferings and aspirations of the Tibetan people in his petition to the Chinese leaders. Baba Phuntsok Wangyal, one of the foremost Tibetan communist leaders, in his recent biography published in English dwells at length on the need to meet the interests of the Tibetan people. In fact, it is clear that most senior Tibetan officials in Tibet deep in their hearts are extremely dissatisfied.

This year the Chinese government will mark the 40th anniversary of the establishment of the Tibet Autonomous Region. There will be much fanfare and many commemorative events to celebrate the occasion but these will be meaningless when they do not reflect the ground realities. For example, the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution were celebrated with great pomp as real achievements at the time they took place.

China has made tremendous economic progress during the past more than two decades. China today is not what it was twenty or thirty years ago. Much has changed in China. As a result she has become a major player in the world and China rightly deserves this position. It is a big nation with a huge population and a rich and ancient civilization. However, China’s image is tarnished by her human rights records, undemocratic actions, the lack of the rule of law and the unequal implementation of autonomy rights regarding minorities, including the Tibetans. All these are a cause for more suspicion and distrust from the outside world. Internally, they are an obstacle to unity and stability that are of utmost importance to the leaders of the People’s Republic of China. In my view, it is important that as China becomes a powerful and respectable nation she should be able to adopt a reasonable policy with confidence.

The world in general, of which China is a part, is changing for the better. In recent times there is definitely a greater awareness and appreciation for peace, non-violence, democracy, justice and environmental protection. The recent unprecedented response from governments and individuals across the world to the tsunami disaster victims reaffirms that the world is truly interdependent and the importance of universal responsibility.

My involvement in the affairs of Tibet is not for the purpose of claiming certain personal rights or political position for myself nor attempting to stake claims for the Tibetan administration in exile. In 1992 in a formal announcement I stated clearly that when we return to Tibet with a certain degree of freedom I will not hold any office in the Tibetan government or any other political position and that the present Tibetan administration in exile will be dissolved. Moreover, the Tibetans working in Tibet should carry on the main responsibility of administering Tibet.

I once again want to reassure the Chinese authorities that as long as I am responsible for the affairs of Tibet we remain fully committed to the Middle Way Approach of not seeking independence for Tibet and are willing to remain within the People’s Republic of China. I am convinced that in the long run such an approach is of benefit to the Tibetan people for their material progress. It is encouraging that there is support from various parts of the world for this approach as being reasonable, realistic and of mutual benefit to the Chinese and Tibetans. I am particularly encouraged by the recognition and support that has come from certain quarters of the intellectual circle from within China.

I am happy with our renewed contacts with the Chinese leadership and that the third round of meetings last September shows that gradually our interactions are improving. Now that our elected political leadership is shouldering more responsibility in Tibetan affairs, I have advised them to look into the issues raised by the Chinese side during our third round of talks and to take steps to address or clarify them as needed. We remain hopeful that eventually we will be able to develop the necessary trust and resolve this long-standing issue to our mutual benefit.

Finally, I would like to take this opportunity to express the Tibetan people’s gratitude and appreciation to the people and Government of India for their steadfast sympathy and support. I very much feel a part of this nation not only because of the centuries-old religious and cultural ties that India and Tibet enjoyed but also because I and most of the Tibetans in exile have lived in India for the past 45 years.

I offer my prayers to the brave men and women of Tibet who gave their lives for the cause of Tibetan freedom.

The Dalai Lama

March 10, 2005

[Cipriano (POL)]

The Statement of the Kashag on the 46th Anniversary of the Tibetan People’s Uprising Day

Today, on this occasion of the 46th anniversary of the Tibetan people’s peaceful uprising against the Chinese occupation, the Kashag pays tribute to the brave men and women of Tibet who sacrificed their lives for the spiritual and political cause of Tibet. The Kashag also pledges its solidarity with the innocent Tibetans who continue to suffer torture in Tibet.

In the Kashag's 10 March statements of 2002 and 2003, we offered a clarification to the Tibetan people in and outside Tibet by reviewing the Tibetan political developments, outlining the implementation policy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's Middle-Way Approach, the means of reinforcing the strength of the Tibetan people, the re-establishment of our contacts with the Chinese leadership and the creation of a conducive environment for a successful negotiation. In the statement of 2004, aimed at the Chinese leadership, we explained the vision of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the policy of the Central Tibetan Administration, and the need for an immediate resolution of the Tibetan problem through dialogue. Since the 10 March Statement is an important declaration of the Kashag's policies and future plans, which are of historical and political significance, we hope that the Tibetans in and outside Tibet will pay a close attention to it.

Since the conclusion of the 17-Point Agreement in 1951--irrespective of the conditions under which it was signed, and whether the provisions of the agreement fulfilled the aspirations of the Tibetan people--His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan government and people sincerely abided by it in letter and spirit for the sole purpose of the peaceful co-existence between the Tibetan and Chinese people. However, after some years, as China's military might increased in Tibet, they deliberately violated the terms of the agreement. Unable to endure this, the Tibetan people voluntarily, and in unison, rose up against the Chinese government on 10 March 1959. Even during that time, His Holiness the Dalai Lama made every possible effort to settle the issue peacefully but failed due to the forceful clampdown by the Chinese government. As a result, His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Kashag were forced to seek refuge in India and announced that the agreement had been invalidated. There is a clear evidence that all these happened due to the lack of understanding and flexibility on the part of the then Chinese leaders and their continued repression of the Tibetan people by force. The Tibetan people had done nothing that could be described as inappropriate at the time.

Since then, the problem of Tibet aggravated and more than hundred thousand Tibetans had to flee the country. The fact that the majority of the Tibetan refugees were ordinary people--children and elderly people, nomads, peasants, monks and nuns, etc.--with no affiliation to any particular class or political group, clearly reflects the nature of the Tibetan problem. Due to the non-implementation of the 17-Point Agreement which was already accepted by the Tibetan people, the Tibetans had to take part in the movement for the restoration of Tibetan independence, and the justice-loving people of the international community could no longer ignore the issue of Tibet.

In 1979, soon after receiving a proposal from the then Chinese leaders to resolve the issue of Tibet through negotiations, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, without any hesitation, agreed to negotiate with the Chinese government based on his Middle-Way Approach. Since then, he has not only made every possible effort to sincerely pursue this policy but also stood firmly by this policy irrespective of the vicissitudes in our relations during the last 26 years. Moreover, he has been able to raise the understanding of and support for this policy in both the Assembly of the Tibetan People's Deputies and amongst the Tibetans in and outside Tibet. However, due to the various internal and external obstacles such as engaging in some trivial issues, misunderstandings or differences in the ways of working, we have already squandered 26 years without any success in achieving actual negotiations. This is indeed an irreparable loss for both the parties, and will leave an indelible mark in the annals of history.

In the last three years, the envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama have been able to visit China and some parts of Tibet for three times. The free and frank discussions they had with the Chinese leaders were very helpful to His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the exile Tibetan leadership in deepening our understanding on several issues. We believe that it has also helped the Chinese leadership to better understand the vision of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the views of the Central Tibetan Administration. It has become clear to us, in particular, from the third round of discussions last year that the Chinese leaders have many doubts and suspicions which are baseless in nature. For these, we intend to provide convincing clarifications, and we hope that we will be able to clear their doubts and suspicions.

Deng Xiaoping's conclusion that "anything but independence can be resolved through negotiations", has a profound and pervasive connotation. Pursuant to this, His Holiness the Dalai Lama's great decision of not seeking independence has resolved the basic differences between the two sides and laid down a mutually acceptable foundation for dialogue. Therefore, if the either party, instead of resolving the outstanding issues through dialogue, tries to avoid it by laying down preconditions or entertaining baseless doubts and suspicions, this will clearly go against the promise of Deng Xiaoping. Moreover, it will not be considered a wise policy.

The Five-Point Peace Plan and the Strasbourg Proposal of His Holiness the Dalai Lama outline the major issues concerning the aspirations of the Tibetan people. These are proposals for resolving the details of the issue through dialogue. His Holiness the Dalai Lama did not issue them as a non-negotiable and ultimate decision. As for the preambles, it is clear that they are just background information and not part of the agenda. The Five-Point Peace Plan, in particular, is a future vision that, irrespective of the resolution of the status of Tibet, needs to be pursued for the benefit of entire humanity, including the Tibetan and Chinese people. It is, therefore, very clear that this is also not directly related to the political status of the Tibetan people and the agenda for negotiation. In essence, the entirety of the Tibetan population having legitimate rights within the constitutional framework of the People's Republic of China to enjoy genuine national regional autonomy is the legitimate requirement of the Tibetan people. Therefore, the need of such an autonomy, equally and uniformly practised amidst all the Tibetan people, has already been emphasised; not just once but many times. We would like to once again state that this basic principle can not be changed at all.

I would like to take this opportunity to inform all the Tibetan people that the Middle Way policy is not a policy newly formulated by the 12th Kashag. Since 1979, it has been a policy adopted by the Kashag, the Assembly and the general Tibetan public through a democratic procedure. Therefore, we must put all our efforts to implement this policy in all sincerity. As for the Tibetan administration, we feel that so long as this policy does not change through a democratic process, our failure to implement this policy would mean that the Kashag has not been responsible to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the Assembly and the general public. The Kashag would also be committing a historical blunder of being indifferent to the cause of Tibet. We have, therefore, done our level best to channel all our energies towards pursuing this policy. The Kashag would like to thank the Assembly, Tibet Support Groups and the general Tibetan public for their co-operation in this regard.

After the return of the third visit of His Holiness's envoys last year, and carefully studying the minutes of their discussions, we have decided to put more efforts towards negotiations. The meeting of the Task Force on negotiations was convened and the advice of the consultants sought on the expansion of the Task Force and the creation of its new permanent office. We are also making efforts to respond to and draw lessons from the suggestions made by the People's Republic of China according to the wishes of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. We cannot afford to jeopardise our efforts for creating a conducive atmosphere for negotiation in fear of criticism and opinions from a section of Tibetan organisations or individuals. Therefore we are determined to move forward in our efforts to create a congenial climate for negotiation without any hesitation. Learning from the experiences of the past two decades, we want to make sure that we ourselves do not become the cause for the failure of negotiations.

In a democratic society, there can be, and should be, many different ideologies and approaches. Moreover, the freedom to vigorously promote one's ideological leanings and approaches among the general public by the means of the dissemination of information, appealing to the public and advising them, etc. is the fundamental benefit of a democracy. Therefore the Tibetan administration would like to once again appeal to all of you to support the Middle Way policy and work towards creating an atmosphere conducive for dialogue. We will very soon make a similar appeal to the Tibetan NGOs and the Tibet Support Groups, both verbally and in writing. In short, you are well aware that since we are at the moment committed to the Middle Way policy for resolving the Tibetan issue through non-violence as the only means to achieve that, the Kashag strongly appeals to all concerned that when we initiate any activity for the cause of Tibet, it is very important that our actions do not go against the very policy and approach we are committed to.

The Kashag would like to take this opportunity to express, on behalf of the Tibetan people, our heart-felt gratitude to the governments, parliaments, Tibet Support Groups and individuals for their co-operation and assistance in our quest for the well-being of the Tibetans in exile and the eventual resolution of the Tibetan cause. The people and Government of India, in particular, have been very generous for the last 45 years in providing livelihood to about hundred thousand Tibetans and facilitating the creation of a strong foundation for the Tibetan struggle for truth. This is something that the Tibetan future generations will never forget and will remain ever grateful.

For the truth of the issue of Tibet to prevail, it is essential to enhance the collective merit of the Tibetan people. The Kashag would like to thank all Tibetans within and without Tibet for acting upon our request and participating in a series of merit-accumulating activities last year. His Holiness the Dalai Lama is turning 70 this Wood-Bird Year. Therefore, the Kashag would like to request all of you once again to carry out merit-earning activities in general, and in particular, recite as many White Tara mantra as possible for the longevity of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

Finally, I pray for the good health and long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. I also pray for the spontaneous fulfilment of all his great wishes. May the truth of the issue of Tibet prevail soon.

The Kashag
10 March 2005

N.B. Translated from the original statement in Tibetan
(The Kashag is the cabinet of the Central Tibetan Administration)

[Cipriano (POL)]

http://www.tibet.com/

[massdestruction]

In Origine Postato da Cipriano
http://www.tibet.com/

caro cipriano credo che in pol facciano fatica a sapere dove sia il tibet...

Il dalai lama tiensin giatso VIX per il bene del suo popolo ha offerto la mano ai cinesi(che hanno invaso il tibet e fatto pulizia etnica....in silenzio)


Spero che il popolo tibetano si salvi ...

tashi delay

[Fenris]

Tibet libero, subito!

[gherrianu]

Libertade po su Tibet!

[locke (POL)]

In Origine Postato da massdestruction
caro cipriano credo che in pol facciano fatica a sapere dove sia il tibet...

Il dalai lama tiensin giatso VIX per il bene del suo popolo ha offerto la mano ai cinesi(che hanno invaso il tibet e fatto pulizia etnica....in silenzio)


Spero che il popolo tibetano si salvi ...

tashi delay

Oggi su Rainews24 ho sentito dire che il DL, non voleva l'immediata indipendenza per sfruttare la crescita ecoomica cinese.

Cordiali Saluti

[fux55]

............... TIBET LIBERO...............!