URSS: Previsioni per il 2010

[buran]

Pubblicate dalla Komsomolskaya Pravda il 31 dicembre 1959
Urss: le previsioni per il 2010
Abolito il denaro. Alcol e criminalità zero. Gratis elicotteri e auto. Mense gratuite per tutti. Siberia senza ghiacci

Negli archivi della Komsomolskaya Pravda(organo ufficiale del Comitato centrale dell'Unione comunista della gioventù sovietica dal 1925 al 1991, tuttora il giornale più venduto in Russia) si è trovato un articolo pubblicato il 31 dicembre 1959 su come sarebbe stata l'Urss il 1° gennaio 2010. Il giornalista russo è, ovviamente, alquanto pieno di fiducia nello sviluppo in vari campi dell'Unione Sovietica.

KRUSCIOV - In quegli anni, Nikita Krusciov era segretario del Pcus e capo del governo. Tre anni prima, il 25 febbraio 1956, lo stesso Krusciov aveva presentato il famoso rapporto segreto al XX Congresso del Partito comunista in cui si gettavano le basi per lo smantellamento della società staliniana. Il 4 ottobre 1957 era stato lanciato nello spazio lo Sputnik, il primo satellite artificiale. Si prospettava, dunque, come predicava Krusciov, il sorpasso dell'Urss sugli Usa. Il «futurologo» della Komsomolskaya Pravda è sicuro che il primo uomo che metterà piede sulla Luna sarà un sovietico e l'evento avverrà nel 1969. Azzecca l'anno, ma non il resto: fu l'americano Neil Armstrong a sbarcare sul satellite della Terra.

ABOLITO IL DENARO - Nel 2010, in Russia il denaro sarà stato abolito e ognuno potrà fare la spesa senza pagare nulla. L'alcol e la criminalità spariranno e tutto il lavoro pesante sarà fatto da macchine o robot. L'articolista immagina un suo viaggio per le vie di Mosca: le strade sono piene di limousine che si possono affittare gratis. Per chi non ama l'auto vi è la possibilità di usufruire di elicotteri (gratuiti anch'essi). Quasi nessuno mangia a casa propria: nella città vi sono mense e ristoranti sempre aperti dove si può pranzare gratuitamente. Interessante è la profezia riguardo ai telefoni: saranno piccoli e portatili e saranno dotati, inoltre, di una telecamera. La vita si è allungata: si vive per più di 100 anni, con punte di 125.

MARTE - Dopo la Luna, si è arrivati anche su Marte dove vi è una clinica specializzata in trapianti di organi umani che si chiama Pozitron. Sulla Luna, invece, sono state impiantate decine di fabbriche dove si lavorano i metalli di cui il satellite è ricco. Nell'Istituto di medicina termica di calore (non si dice dove sia) si sta risvegliando un mammuth. Il cervello già funziona e -v erso marzo del 2010 - potrà essere messo nello zoo di Mosca. I ghiacci in Siberia sono spariti grazie al riscaldamento del suolo effettuato con l'atomo. Purtroppo, su questo punto la Komsomolskaya Pravda non dà altre delucidazioni. Però, il giornale è sicuro che nella Siberia del 2010 vi sono immensi campi coltivati a grano oltre ad agrumeti a perdita d'occhio. Quasi tutte le previsioni non si sono realizzate. Ma sognare ad occhi aperti non costa nulla.

Urss: le previsioni per il 2010 - Corriere della Sera

[buran]

compagni dove abbiamo sbagliato?

[Morfeo]

compagni dove abbiamo sbagliato?

traditi dall'interno :giagia:

[Leader Maximo]

compagni dove abbiamo sbagliato?

a non epurare la gente come Krusciov

[WalterA]

Tutta colpa di gente come Gorbaciov.

[nordista]

compagni dove abbiamo sbagliato?

in tutto, almeno dal 1917 in poi.


N.

[Leader Maximo]

in tutto, almeno dal 1917 in poi.


N.

non è vero che abbiamo sbagliato in tutto... ad esempio spedire nel gulag i tuoi affini politicamente è stata una mossa azzeccatissima

[Manfr]

Tutta colpa di gente come Gorbaciov.

Tanto per sapere, voi come avreste impostato la politica estera e economica dell'URSS di fine anni '80 ?

[Ivan]

Gorbachev: the restoration of capitalism


The best analysis of the realities which existed in the socialist countries during the period 1956-1990 remains that made in the sixties by comrade Mao Zedong. Today this analysis can be defined more precisely and corrected on some points in view of the recent events that have taken place in Eastern Europe, the USSR and China.
How Mao Zedong saw the future of socialism.
"Socialist society covers a long, very long historical period. All through this period the class struggle between bourgeoisie and proletariat continues. The question which system will be victorious, capitalism or the socialist way, will always remain during this period. This means that the danger of capitalist restoration remains." "The socialist revolution in the economic field only (concerning the ownership of the means of production) is not sufficient and does not guarantee stability. There also has to be a complete socialist revolution in the fields of politics and ideology. In the domain of politics and ideology, the struggle to decide the issue for capitalism or socialism will take a long time. A few decades certainly will not do; a hundred, maybe even hundreds of years are necessary for the final victory. During this historical period of socialism we have to maintain the dictatorship of the proletariat and take the socialist revolution to its completion if we want to prevent a capitalist restoration. We have to undertake socialist reconstruction in order to create the conditions necessary for the passage to communism." "Before Krushchev came to power, the activities of new bourgeois elements were limited and mostly repressed. But since Krushchev came to power and gradually took over the direction of the Party and the State, those new bourgeois elements began to appear in dominant positions at the heart of the Party and the government, in the field of economics as well as in the cultural sector and others. They have become a privileged class in Soviet society." "Even under the domination of Khrushchev and his faction, the mass of the members of the CPSU and the people follow the glorious revolutionary traditions cultivated by Lenin and Stalin by adhering to socialism and aspiring forwards communism. A large number of Soviet cadres continue to support the revolutionary position of the proletariat and the path to socialism. They are firmly against Khrushchev's revisionism." "The class struggle, the struggle for production and for scientific experiment are the three main revolutionary movements in the building of a powerful socialist nation. These movements represent an assured guarantee which permits the communists to do away with bureaucracy, to arm themselves against revisionism and dogmatism and to stay invincible forever. They are a furher assurance permitting the proletariat to unite with the large working masses and to practice a democratic dictatorship. Let's assume that, in the absence of those movements, landowners, rich farmers, counter-revolutionaries, obscure elements and other creatures of different sorts are let loose. And let us further suppose that our cadres close their eyes and make no distinctions any more between the enemy and ourselves in some cases, but that they collaborate with the enemy and let themselves be corrupted and demoralised. If our cadres are taken into the enemy camp in this manner or if the enemy succeeds in infiltrating our ranks and if many of our workers, peasants and intellectuels are left defenceless in the face of the brutal tactics of the enemy, if these assumptions become reality, then little time will pass, maybe some years or a decade, before a counter-revolutionary restoration inevitably takes place on a national scale. In this case it will not be long before the Marxist-Leninist Party becomes a revisionist party or a fascist party and all of China will change colour."
In Lenin's country, Krushchev took power in 1956, after three years of able manoeuvering and complex preparations. After his take-over he had to consolidate his power within the Party by eliminating the majority of the Political Bureau during the struggle against "the anti-Party faction Molotov-Malenkov-Kaganovitch." With political and ideological attacks against essential principles of socialist construction, Krushchev continued to change the fundamental orientation of the CPSU. This was to be an excuse to permit bureaucratic cadres and opportunists to aquire privileges and to develop into a distinctive social class. Even after the elimination of Krushchev, certain leading cadres made efforts to return to Marxist-Leninist principles. The socialist basis of society was not yet destroyed and millions of communists persevered in their revolutionary work. During the Brezhnev period however, the leading class further accumulated privileges and enriched themselves by a number of illegal means. But still they had to vegetate as parasites, someway or other, on an economical and political base that was not theirs. Authentic communists could still defend a number of aquisitions of the working class. Socialist laws, measures favourable to the workers and the Marxist-Leninist ideology continued to exercise a great influence throughout society. The leading class reduced marxism to a string of fixed formulas and imported all sorts of ideological theories from the West. While socialist thinking was mutilated, outdated bourgeois ideologies got a new impulse. In a growing number of sectors these new bourgeois elements transformed the means of production and State property into their own private property. They made possible the extension of the informal sector and made secret deals with the new capitalists whose emergence they favoured.
By the end of the Brezhnev era, a new capitalist class had consolidated itself and was following its own interests opposed to those of the workers. This new class, now fully grown, tried more and more to install its own open dictatorship. It had to rid the country of the last influences and appearances of Marxism-Leninism. In Gorbachev it found a banner, in Glasnost a means of expression and in Perestroika a legitimisation of its projects of restoration. After the period of paralysis, conformism and militarism under Brezhnev's leadership, we did get the feeling that things were moving in the USSR, and that some of the gravest mistakes of the Brezhnev era were exposed. But soon it became clear that Gorbachev criticized Brezhnev from the point of view of the liberals and pro-Westerners. Gorbachev merely deepened the revisionism of Krushchev and Brezhnev which led to the complete and open renouncement of Marxist-Leninist principles.
The Soviet Union has seen two great breaking points with socialism: Krushchev's report in 1956 containing the rejection of some essential Leninist principles, and the Perestroika of Gorbachev that paved the way, in 1990, for the reinstatement of the market economy.
The revisionism of Krushchev opened a transitional period from socialism to capitalism. Old and new bourgeois elements needed thirty years to grow strong enough to take and consolidate their positions in politics, in the field of ideology and in the economy. The process of degeneration, begun in 1956, needed three decades to finish off socialism.
The attacks against Stalin's legacy have played an important role all along in this process of degeneration. In the Soviet Union, the revisionists have worked 35 years to demolish Stalin. Once Stalin was demolished, Lenin followed almost immediatly. Krushchev incited everyone against Stalin and Gorbachev followed, during the 5 years of his Glasnost, with a crusade against Stalinism. Have you noticed that the demolishing of Lenin's statues was not preceded by a political campaign against his works? The campaign against Stalin was sufficient. Once all political ideas of Stalin were attacked, denigrated and demolished, it was simply concluded that, at the same time, Lenin's ideas too were finished. Krushchev began his destructive mission by emphasizing that he was criticizing Stalin's "personality cult" in order to re-establish Leninism in its pure form and improve the communist system. Gorbachev made the same misleading promises in order to disorient the forces of the Left. Today we can see the obvious: using the pretext of "a return to Lenin", he invited the Tsar, and using the pretext of improving socialism, he has installed free-for-all capitalism.

da : Balance of the collapse of the SU

[Rough]

compagni dove abbiamo sbagliato?

Tieni conto che alla morte di Stalin,l'Unione Sovietica era arrivata ad un livello di modernizazione che pochi paesi erano stati capaci di raggiungere nel giro di cosi poco tempo. Gli stessi comunisti russi oggi,pur non elogiando alla follia il Georgiano gli rendono gli onori di aver fatto passare la Russia da un paese che utilizzava l'aratro a possedere insieme agli Stati Uniti la Bomba Atomica.

Pensando ai progressi fatti in solo 20 anni,era quasi logico pensare che in 50 anni si poteva fare anche di piu'.