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La storia di Izz ad Din al qassam appoggiato dall'Italia Fascista nella prima Intifada palestinese della storia





Izz ad-Din al-Qassam

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Shaykh ʿIzz al-Dīn al-Qassām


Shaykh ʿIzz al-Dīn al-Qassām (in arabo: عزّ الدين القسّام) nacque a Jebla (Siria, governatorato di Latakia) nel 1882 e morì nel 1935 in occasione di una battaglia contro le forze britanniche. È considerato dai palestinesi come uno dei padri della resistenza, mentre i britannici lo considerano il padre del terrorismo nella regione. Ha dato il suo nome al razzo Qassām celebre perché impiegato dalla Resistenza palestinese contro la popolazione civile israeliana.

Biografia [modifica]

Studiò in Egitto all'Università di al-Azhar, dove seguì inizialmente le idee salafite, opponendosi all'Islam istituzionale dei Mufti e degli ‘Ulamā’, e aderì poi ai Fratelli Musulmani, l'organizzazione cui oggi in Italia fa riferimento l'UCOII.
Fu convinto propugnatore del jihād contro gli italiani che, con la guerra portata contro l'Impero Ottomano, avevano conquistato Cirenaica e Tripolitania (guerra di Libia del 1911). In quell'occasione raccolse fondi e compose un inno destinato ad essere suonato in occasione dell'auspicata (ma non realizzata) vittoria dei musulmani cirenaici e tripolitani. Arruolò anche decine di volontari destinati al fronte libico, bloccati tuttavia dalle autorità di Istanbul che non volevano un simile tipo di combattenti nelle zone di combattimento. Si arruolò quindi nel corso della Prima guerra mondiale nei ranghi dell'esercito ottomano e ricevette per questo un'adeguata istruzione militare, venendo destinato ad operare come assistente spirituale delle truppe in una base presso Damasco.
Fu quindi contro gli occupanti francesi che stroncarono il tentativo monarchico condotto dall'Emiro Faysal nella battaglia di Maysalun. I francesi, una volta ridotta all'impotenza la rivolta in Siria del 1921, provvidero a condannarlo a morte ma ʿIzz al-Dīn al-Qassām prese la via delle montagne, dando vita a una forma di resistenza patriottica ricorrendo agli strumenti tipici della guerriglia.
Fuggito a Haifa, insegnò religione islamica, mettendosi in luce come riformatore sociale. Ben presto propugnò il jihād anche contro gli occupanti mandatari britannici e contro i sionisti ebrei che arrivavano in Palestina. Fu organizzatore e capo del primo gruppo di guerriglieri palestinesi che combatterono contro le forze di sicurezza britanniche a Hebron nel Massacro di Hebron del 1929, fondò e diresse fino alla morte l'organizzazione segreta Mano Nera e fu infine ucciso dalle forze britanniche a Jenin il 19 novembre 1935. Il suo "martirio" innescò la grande sommossa dei 1936-39.
Oggi, oltre al razzo artigianale su descritto, anche l'ala militare del movimento terrorista Hamas si richiama al suo nome.

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Izz ad-Din al-Qassam (EN)
Estratto da "http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Izz_ad-Din_al-Qassam"
Categoria: Palestina

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The 1936-1939 Revolt in Palestine


Between 1936 and 1939, the Palestinian revolutionary movement suffered a severe setback at the hands of three separate enemies that were to constitute together the principal threat to the nationalist movement in Palestine in all subsequent stages of its struggle: the local reactionary leadership; the regimes in the Arab states surrounding Palestine; and the imperialist-Zionist enemy. The present study will concentrate on the respective structures of these separate forces and the dialectical relations that existed among them.
The intensity of the Palestinian nationalist experience, which emerged since 1918, and was accompanied in one way or another with armed struggle, could not reflect itself on the upper structure of the Palestinian national movement which remained virtually under the control of semi-feudal and semi-religious leadership. This was due primarily to two related factors:

1. The existence and effectiveness of the Zionist movement, which gave the national challenge relative predominance over the social contradictions. The impact of this challenge was being systematically felt by the masses of Palestinian Arabs, who were the primary victims of the Zionist invasion supported by British imperialism.
2. The existence of a significant conflict of interests between the local feudal-religious leadership and British imperialism: It was consistently in the interest of the ruling class to promote and support a certain degree of revolutionary struggle, instead of being more or less completely allied with the imperialist power as would otherwise be the case. The British imperialists had found in the Zionists "a more suitable ally."

The above factors gave the struggle of Palestinian people particular features that did not apply to the Arab nationalist struggle outside Palestine. The traditional leadership, as a result, participated in, or at least tolerated, a most advanced form of political action (armed struggle); it raised progressive slogans, and had ultimately, despite its reactionary nature, provided positive leadership during a critical phase of the Palestinian nationalist struggle. It is relevant to explain, however, how the feudal-religious leadership succeeded in staying at the head of the nationalist movement for so long (until 1948). The transformation of the economic and social structure of Palestine, which occurred rather rapidly, had affected primarily the Jewish sector, and had taken place at the expense of the Palestinian middle and petty bourgeoisie, as well as the Arab working class. The change from a semi-feudal society to a capitalist society was accompanied by an increased concentration of economic power in the hands of the Zionist machine and consequently, within the Jewish society in Palestine. It is significant that Palestinian Arab advocates of conciliation, who became outspoken during the thirties, were not landlords or rich peasants, but rather elements of the urban upper bourgeoisie whose interests gradually coincided with the expanding interests of the Jewish bourgeoisie. The latter, by controlling the process of industrialization, was creating its own agents.
In the meantime, the Arab countries surrounding Palestine were playing two conflicting roles. On the one hand, the Pan-Arab mass movement was serving as a catalyst for the revolutionary spirit of the Palestinian masses, since a dialectical relation between the Palestinian and overall Arab struggles existed, on the other hand, the established regimes in these Arab countries were doing everything in their power to help curb and undermine the Palestinian mass movement. The sharpening conflict in Palestine threatened to contribute to the development of the struggle in these countries in the direction of greater violence, creating a revolutionary potential that their respective ruling classes could not afford to overlook.
The Arab ruling classes were forced to support British imperialism against their counterpart in Palestine, which was in effect leading the Palestinian nationalist movement. Meanwhile, the Zionist-Imperialist alliance continued to grow; the period between 1936 and 1939 witnessed not only the crystallization of the militaristic and aggressive character of the colonial society that Zionism had firmly implanted in Palestine but also the relative containment and defeat of the Palestinian working class; this was subsequently to have a radical effect on the course of the struggle. During that period, Zionism, in collaboration with the mandatory power, successfully undermined the development of a progressive Jewish labor movement and of Jewish-Arab Proletarian brotherhood. The Palestine Communist Party was effectively isolated among both Arab and Jewish workers, and the reactionary Histadrut completely dominated the Jewish labour movement. The influence of Arab progressive forces within Arab labour federations in Haifa and Jaffa diminished, leaving the ground open for their control by reactionary leaderships that monopolized political action. http://www.newjerseysolidarity.org/r...anafani4a.html

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http://www.newjerseysolidarity.org/r.../kanafani4.htm

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Il grande poeta palestinese Ghassan Kanafani fu ucciso dai servizi segreti sionisti nei primi anni 70.

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http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yzJoa9hsY2k

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L'articolo 7 della carta di Hamas dichiara che Hamas è solo l'ultimo anello di una lunga catena di guerre sante contro il sionismo cominciate nel 1936 dal martire 'Izz ad Din al Qassam, riferimento esplicito ad un nome che diventerà la sigla delle brigate combattenti di Hamas.

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